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opinion on this subject must be upon the turn. We are confident enough that as passion passes a way and reason prevails the Americans will see that they have no reason to complain of us. Some of the rancor generated by former conflict may still survive, and the vitality, indeed, of these mischievous sentiments ought to suggest to the Americans some misgivings as to the consequences of their own civil war. If they cannot yet forget 1776 and 1812, how long will North and South be in forgetting 1861 and 1862? But of anything like evil purpose to them at this crisis of their national destinies we are certainly innocent. The war was none of our making, nor connected in any way with our policy. We deplored its occurrence, and at first we blamed the seceders for the division they were creating. Then, when we saw more clearly into the case, and discerned that the Declaration of Independence was but the expression of a settled and not unnatural antagonism, we regarded the misch of as irrem
re justified in concluding that the tide of American opinion on this subject must be upon the turn. We are confident enough that as passion passes a way and reason prevails the Americans will see that they have no reason to complain of us. Some of the rancor generated by former conflict may still survive, and the vitality, indeed, of these mischievous sentiments ought to suggest to the Americans some misgivings as to the consequences of their own civil war. If they cannot yet forget 1776 and 1812, how long will North and South be in forgetting 1861 and 1862? But of anything like evil purpose to them at this crisis of their national destinies we are certainly innocent. The war was none of our making, nor connected in any way with our policy. We deplored its occurrence, and at first we blamed the seceders for the division they were creating. Then, when we saw more clearly into the case, and discerned that the Declaration of Independence was but the expression of a settled and not un
n this subject must be upon the turn. We are confident enough that as passion passes a way and reason prevails the Americans will see that they have no reason to complain of us. Some of the rancor generated by former conflict may still survive, and the vitality, indeed, of these mischievous sentiments ought to suggest to the Americans some misgivings as to the consequences of their own civil war. If they cannot yet forget 1776 and 1812, how long will North and South be in forgetting 1861 and 1862? But of anything like evil purpose to them at this crisis of their national destinies we are certainly innocent. The war was none of our making, nor connected in any way with our policy. We deplored its occurrence, and at first we blamed the seceders for the division they were creating. Then, when we saw more clearly into the case, and discerned that the Declaration of Independence was but the expression of a settled and not unnatural antagonism, we regarded the misch of as irremediable;
From Europe. The mails by the steamship North American bring English papers to the 17th ult. The news is not so late as that of the America, nor is it very important; though in the extracts which we append we have some further revelations of English sentiment in respect to affairs on this continent. A deputation of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society waited upon the United States Minister, Charles Francis Adams, on the 10th ult., and offered him an address, signifying their pleasure at welcoming an Ambassador who held principles in accordance with their own. Mr. Adams made a reply, sufficiently abolition in tone to satisfy the members of the deputation, who, after some further ceremony, withdrew. Comments of the London times. The answer of Mr. Adams is formal enough, as befits the representative of a country which knows seriously and practically the questions which there Englishmen only study as amateurs. Mr. Lincoln's representative is, no doubt attached
From Europe. The mails by the steamship North American bring English papers to the 17th ult. The news is not so late as that of the America, nor is it very important; though in the extracts which we append we have some further revelations of English sentiment in respect to affairs on this continent. A deputation of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society waited upon the United States Minister, Charles Francis Adams, on the 10th ult., and offered him an address, signifying their pleasure at welcoming an Ambassador who held principles in accordance with their own. Mr. Adams made a reply, sufficiently abolition in tone to satisfy the members of the deputation, who, after some further ceremony, withdrew. Comments of the London times. The answer of Mr. Adams is formal enough, as befits the representative of a country which knows seriously and practically the questions which there Englishmen only study as amateurs. Mr. Lincoln's representative is, no doubt attached
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