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Canada (Canada) (search for this): article 3
are of what they do. The cup of their Iniquity is nearly filled. They have come second best out of two wars with the United States; out of a third, perhaps, they would never come at all. The Southern fleet is completely used up. We have a powerful naval force left almost unemployed. With this reenforced, as it will be next fall, by a tremendous addition of iron-clad gunboats, we will be in a position to annihilate the navies of England and France, and of all the maritime Powers of Europe. Canada and the British West India Islands would fall, like ripe pears, into the lap of the American Republic, and Great Britain would cease to own a foot of soil in the New World, while perhaps Ireland, taking advantage of her tyrant's difficulty would at last work out a successful revolution, and leave, "the sister" island alone in its glory. General Butler's proclamation before the British people. In the House of Commons on the same night Sir J. Waish rose to ask the Under Secretary of S
now at the head of the Government had perpetually interfered by way of remonstrance, and had tendered excellent advice to almost every Government in Europe. Not long age, too, Earl Russell remonstrated with this very American Government for blocking up Charleston harbor with a stone fleet. But surely our interposition was now far more imperatively called for by an act which tended to degrade human nature itself — to throw back civilization, and revive the spirit of a Ghengis Khan or a Nadir Shah. (Hear, hear.) It would be most unjust, without more reliable information on the point, to accuse the American Government of any participation in this enormity. It that Government at once signified its disapproval of this proclamation public, opinion would applaud its conduct. On the other hand, if it showed any hesitation or delay in taking that course, he earnestly hoped that her Majesty's Government would gravely point out to them the necessity of vindication the national honor so f
nt from Europe.Foreign intervention.speeches in Parliament.Butler's proclamation.the British press on intervention.&c., &c.,ourse for it to adopt with regard to the proclamation of Gen. Butler at New Orleans, just as if that were any business of Lorovernment, for its own sake, will repudiate the act of General Butler. This looks somewhat in the nature of a threat, as muh as to say: "You had better of your own accord rebuke General Butler, or we will take you in hand, as we did in the case ofnd leave, "the sister" island alone in its glory. General Butler's proclamation before the British people. In the Hnformation authenticating a proclamation attributed to General Butler, the Military Governor of New Orleans, menacing the wogenerosity and forbearance. Instead of that, however, General Butler had issued a proclamation stating, that "as the officence received from our Minister at Washington relating to Gen. Butler's proclamation. Mr. Gregory was not surprised that
ing parties." And so Earl Russell in the other house: "Certainly there is no intention on the part of her Majesty's Government to mediate at the present moment." This implies that the time may soon come when England will "interpose."--Meanwhile, Napoleon is to go ahead, as the Manchester Guardian suggests. The Emperor would prefer to have England openly with him from the start, but she prefers that France shall bear the first shock resulting from the insolent proposition. Meantime, the English population are to be worked up to the fighting point by such unprecedented harangues against a friendly nation as those indulged in by the ministers of the Crown against the same people. The London Times suggests the mediation at first of Napoleon and the Czar, while England holds back, and then goes on to say: --"If, as seems more than possible, the resolution of the Southerners avails to protract this war from month to month, then the time must come when the intervention of Europe will
e amidst loud cheers and said--Mr. Speaker, appealed to as I have been by my honorable friend. I am quite prepared to say that I think no man could have read the proclamation to which our attention has been drawn without a feeling of the deepest indignation--(cheers from both sides of the House)--a proclamation to which I do not scruple to attach the epithet infamous. (Renewed cheering) Sir, an Englishman must blush to think that such an act has been committed by one belonging to the Anglo-Saxon race. (Cheers.) If it had come from some semi-barbarous race that was not within the pale of civilization, one might have regretted it, but might not have been surprised; but that such an order should have been promulgated by a soldier--(cheers)--by one who had raised himself to the rank of General is a subject undoubtedly of not less astonishment than pain. (Cheers,) Sir, I cannot bring myself to behave but that the Government of the United States, whenever they had notice of this order,
e homilies and lectures that were too often read by our ministers to foreign States, and which were infinitely more agreeable to the compilers than to the receivers. He also deprecated the conduct of those who ransacked the newspapers for the purpose of putting questions in that House which were of no possible use, and were received by foreign countries with great dissatisfaction. He entirely agreed with what was said in the vacation speech of the right honorable member for Huntingdon, (General Peel.) that such intermeddling tended to produce a general feeling of dissatisfaction towards this country on the continent, and led foreigners to say, in their hearts at least, with Orlando, "I do desire that we should be better strangers." But when a proclamation repugnant to decency, civilization, and humanity; had been-promulgated and put in force against a people endeared to us by every tie of family, language and religion, then he did think we had a right to protest against such an
important, much more so than the telegraphic summary before published would have led us to believe. The following editorial in the Herald will show with what solicitude that paper regards the present attitude of foreign powers relative to intervention: British insolence and American Power. [From the New York Herald, June 27] The details of the news by the Arabia are of a much more decided character than the telegraphic summary which we published on Wednesday seemed to indicate. Our Paris correspondence, too, throws great additional light upon the movements now going on in France and England. It appears that the programme is, that France will take the lead in the "mediation" or intervention scheme for the settlement of the civil war in America, while England secretly pledges her moral, and if necessary, her physical, support; that the basis of the intervention is to be, if not separation as a sinc qua non, at least a decision of the question by the votes of the people of the
of all the maritime Powers of Europe. Canada and the British West India Islands would fall, like ripe pears, into the lap of the American Republic, and Great Britain would cease to own a foot of soil in the New World, while perhaps Ireland, taking advantage of her tyrant's difficulty would at last work out a successful revolution, and leave, "the sister" island alone in its glory. General Butler's proclamation before the British people. In the House of Commons on the same night Sir J. Waish rose to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether Her Majesty's Government had received official information authenticating a proclamation attributed to General Butler, the Military Governor of New Orleans, menacing the women of that city with the most degrading treatment as a punishment for any mark of disrespect offered to any officer or soldier of the United States army, and, if so, whether her Majesty's Government had deemed it right to demonstrate with the American
thern fleet is completely used up. We have a powerful naval force left almost unemployed. With this reenforced, as it will be next fall, by a tremendous addition of iron-clad gunboats, we will be in a position to annihilate the navies of England and France, and of all the maritime Powers of Europe. Canada and the British West India Islands would fall, like ripe pears, into the lap of the American Republic, and Great Britain would cease to own a foot of soil in the New World, while perhaps Ireland, taking advantage of her tyrant's difficulty would at last work out a successful revolution, and leave, "the sister" island alone in its glory. General Butler's proclamation before the British people. In the House of Commons on the same night Sir J. Waish rose to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether Her Majesty's Government had received official information authenticating a proclamation attributed to General Butler, the Military Governor of New Orleans, mena
f the nineteenth century and to the usages of civilized war. (Hear.) In the few observations he was desirous of making he should refrain from entering into the merits of the great contest now going on the other side of the Atlantic. In that House they had hitherto maintained impartial and strict neutrality, and had exhibited a prudent and wise reserve, but it was necessary that he should make the observation that, in that unhappy civil war, it appeared, as all accounts agreed in stating, too often read by our ministers to foreign States, and which were infinitely more agreeable to the compilers than to the receivers. He also deprecated the conduct of those who ransacked the newspapers for the purpose of putting questions in that House which were of no possible use, and were received by foreign countries with great dissatisfaction. He entirely agreed with what was said in the vacation speech of the right honorable member for Huntingdon, (General Peel.) that such intermeddling
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