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Grafton, W. Va. (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
c. &c. system that there never should be another election of Councillors, and he Postscript, Supplement to No. 4, Private; Bernard to Hillsborough, 14 Feb. 1769. and Hutchinson Hutchinson to Richard Jackson, 28 January, 1769. also, most secretly See the whole of Bernard to Hillsborough, 26 January, 1769. furnished lists of persons whose appointment they advised. They both importuned the Ministry to remove Temple, Bernard to Hillsborough, 21 Feb. 1769. Hutchinson to the Duke of Grafton. who would not conceal his opinion, Boston Gazette of 6 Feb. 1769; 723, 1 and 2. The notes to the Letter from London are by Temple. that the affections of the colonists were wasting away from the mother country, from the incapacity and avarice Temple to Grenville, 7 November, 1768; in Grenville Papers, IV. 396, and compare 460. of his associates. The wily Hutchinson opposed with all his influence the repeal of the Revenue Act; Hutchinson to Richard Jackson, 24 Jan. 1769. recomme
Connecticut (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
allies in the British Ministry, who hoped to control America by menace and terror. The matter is now brought to a point; said Hillsborough in the House of Lords. Parliamentary History, XVI. 476, 477, Note. W. S. Johnson to the Governor of Connecticut, 3 Jan. 1769. Compare Du Chatelet to Choiseul, 16 Dec. 1768. Parliament must give up its authority over the Colonies, or bring them to effectual submission. Your Lordships will see it absolutely necessary not to recede an ace; for my part, Ithe colonists of such a plan of representation in the British Parliament, as he knew they must reject; Hutchinson to Richard Jackson, 24 Jan. 1769, and to Gov. Pownall, 29 Jan. 1769. informed against the free constitutions of Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island as tending to produce another Congress; From the Draft by Hutchinson. and advised and solicited and importunately demanded such an extension of the laws of Treason as would have rendered every considerable man in Boston lia
France (France) (search for this): chapter 16
t succor from abroad? Even if the rupture should be premature, can France and Spain neglect to profit by the opportunity which they may never Choiseul to Du Chatelet, 20 December, 1768. The statesmen of France had their best allies in the British Ministry, who hoped to controld and Shelburne. The policy of the Administration deceived neither France nor America. Under the semblance of vigor, said Choiseul,it coversn of a vengeful and impracticable policy renewed the wakefulness of France. An attempt to seize the defenders of American Liberties, said itseir dependence will be severed on the first opportunity. Spain and France should adopt towards them general principles, entirely different fr the Parliaments, nor the Aristocracy, nor even by the Burgesses of France; it was the philosophy of the Eighteenth Century, the ripened wisdoiew under which the cession of Canada can be regarded as a loss for France; but that cession will one day be amply compensated for, if it shal
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 16
, was secretly won over to the side of authority. One of the Livingstons could no longer sit in the Assembly, for a law made the office of Judge and Representative incompatible; another who was to be returned from the Manor, was held to be ineligible because he resided in the city. The men of business desired an increase of the paper currency, and the Government gave support to the measure. The tenantry wished to vote not by word of mouth on the nomination of their landlords, but as in New England, and the royalists professed to favor the introduction of the ballot. Above all; in New-York the old cry of No Presbyterian, gave place to that of No Lawyer. John Jay to R. R. Livingston Jr. Jan. 1769. Add to this, that all parties still hoped for an escape from strife by some Plan of Union; Chap. XXXIX.} 1769. Jan. that Grafton, who was much connected with New-York, was believed to be well disposed; that the population was not homogeneous in religion, language, customs, or origin;
for public purposes, Of a previous Letter Whately writes, I have not been wanting to signify through proper channels, &c. &c. Whately to Hutchinson, London, 11 Feb. 1769. and communicated to Grenville Compare for example, Whately to Grenville, 3 Dec. 1769. Another Correspondent, the same gentleman, one of whose letters I lately sent you, &c. &c. The gentleman was Hutchinson. This confirms Almon's statement. himself, to Temple, Almon's Biographical anecdotes of Eminent Men; II. 105. Biog. Of Thomas Whately. Mr. Whately showed them to Mr. Grenville, who showed them to Lord Temple, and they were seen by other gentlemen. This refers to the very letter of Hutchinson above cited. Almon is good authority for what relates to Temple. and to others,—he declared that measures which he could not think of without pain were necessary for the peace and good of the Colony. There must be, said he, an abridgment of what are called English Liberties. The Letters of Gov. Hutchinson and L
XIX.} 1768. Dec. of the Legislature. If this is not sufficient, the hand of power must be lifted up, and the whole force of this country exerted to bring the Colonies into subjection. The Resolutions condemned the Assembly of Massachusetts, its Council, and still more its Convention; approved of sending a military force to Boston; and foreshadowed the abrogation of the municipal liberties of that town, and the intended change in the Charter of the Province. Hillsborough was seconded by Bedford, who also moved an Address to the King, Parliamentary Hist. XVI. 479, 480. to bring to condign punishment the chief authors and instigators of the late disorders; and if sufficient ground should be seen, to put them on trial for treason before a special Commission in England, pursuant to the provisions of the statute of the Thirty-fifth year of King Henry the Eighth. The Resolutions and Address were readily adopted, with no opposition except from Richmond and Shelburne. The policy of
nimity and fear. If those who are threatened with a trial for High Treason, are not alarmed, the terror and discouragement will affect nobody but the British Ministers. And after all, the main question of taxing the Colonies is as far from a solution as ever. Choiseul to Du Chatelet, Ver sailles, 24 Dec. 1768. At Boston the attempt was made to spread terror by threats of seizing the popular leaders. They expect a voyage to England against their inclination; wrote Hood, Hood to Stephens, 12 Dec. 1768. In Letters to the Ministry, 113. who had the chief command of Chap. XXXIX.} 1768. Dec. the ships in the harbor. But Samuel Adams, whom it was especially desired to take off for treason, unawed by the menaces of arbitrary power, Boston Gazette, 5 Dec. 1768. pursued his system without fear or faltering. I must, said he, Boston Gazette, 5 Dec. 1768. tell the men, who on both sides of the Atlantic charge America with rebellion, that military power will never prevail on
Nathaniel Rogers (search for this): chapter 16
of sedition, and through them all the chiefs of the Faction, all the authors of numberless treasonable and seditious writings. Bernard to Hillsborough, 25 January, 1769. A few individuals stigmatized, wrote one of Hutchinson's underlings, N. Rogers [connected with Hutchinson and Oliver], to W. S. Johnson, Jan. 1769. would cause us to reform. I sometimes wish, said one of a neighboring Colony, that two thirds of the gentlemen of the law, and as great a number of the printers, had been s virtue was never known to be separated from power or profit. Samuel Adams under the signature of Shippen, in the Boston Gazette of 30 January, 1769; 722, 2, 1, 2 and 3. We should have been ruined by this time, had not the troops arrived, N. Rogers to W. S. Johnson, 12 Jan. 1769. wrote one who was grasping at a lucrative office. Military power, repeated the people, is Chap. XXXIX.} 1769. Jan. the last resource of ignorant despotism. The opposition to government is faction; said the fr
Massachusetts Bernard (search for this): chapter 16
and the ardent Sons of Liberty. In Massachusetts Bernard kept up the ferment. He knew it to beto Israel Williams, 26 Jan. 1769; and compare Bernard to Hillsborough, 4 Feb. 1769, This opinion is Postscript, Supplement to No. 4, Private; Bernard to Hillsborough, 14 Feb. 1769. and Hutchinson1769. also, most secretly See the whole of Bernard to Hillsborough, 26 January, 1769. furnished importuned the Ministry to remove Temple, Bernard to Hillsborough, 21 Feb. 1769. Hutchinson toand, a way was open for talking them off; and Bernard and Oliver and Hutchinson, the three relentne with the Attorney-General, were very busy Bernard to Hillsborough, 24 January, 1769. in gettingerless treasonable and seditious writings. Bernard to Hillsborough, 25 January, 1769. A few indi by turning our sea-ports into villages? Governor Bernard has been spoken of with great respect; rePyms, the Hampdens, the Shippens of Britain. Bernard has had some very uncommon difficulties to co
ate of mind is a problem. The others whom birth, credit, wealth or eloquence, may destine to high places, are known to us, and not one of them appears likely to become a formidable enemy. Du Chatelet to Choiseul, London, 28 January, 1769. This letter from Du Chatelet to Choiseul, was Feb. inspired neither by the Courtiers, nor the Parliaments, nor the Aristocracy, nor even by the Burgesses of France; it was the philosophy of the Eighteenth Century, the ripened wisdom of the ages from Descartes to Turgot, uttering its oracles and its counsels in the palaces of absolute monarchs. It excited the most attentive curiosity of Louis the Fifteenth and of every one of his council. An extract of it was sent to Madrid, to ascertain the sentiments and Chap XXXIX.} 1769. Feb. intentions of the Catholic King; the Minister of the marine and the Minister of finance were directed to consult the Chambers of Commerce of the Kingdom; while Choiseul, aware of the novelty of a system founded on t
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