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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 26. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), William Henry Chase Whiting, Major-General C. S. Army. (search)
t every dictate of conscience and settled conviction of the sovereign rights of the States; to send her sons, I say, against their brethren of Virginia and South Carolina—bone of their bone, and flesh of their flesh, not only in the claims of blood, but in history and sentiment? Never have the annals of history known a line of statesmen like those who guided the fortunes of this country for three-quarters of a century or more! Think of the purity of character of Nathaniel Macon, of John C. Calhoun, of William A. Graham, of Jefferson Davis! Who knew more of the constitutional authority of the State to order her citizens to stand in her defence than such statesmen? My comrades, when men stand above the graves of our sacred dead and drop a flower there to honor them, because they died for what they thought was right, and bend their heads before your gray hairs, in token that your suffering for long years touches them, because you thought you were right—there is a vain and empty
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 26. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.11 (search)
at throughout a terrible civil war, in which hostile armies traversed a country filled with slaves, they never once rose anywhere in insurrection against their masters. Whether those who, by force of circumstances, maintained it were not as noble as those who, by force of circumstances, opposed it, we may well leave to the calm judgment of posterity, and to the Providence which placed the institution in our midst, with the names of Washington and Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, Marshall and Calhoun, Clay and Crittenden, Davis and Lee, Maury and Manly, and Stonewall Jackson and Stephen Elliott. But what of the great principles for which we fought? Have we abandoned them? The great substantial, animating principle for which the South struggled was the right of a State to control its own domestic affairs—the right to order its own altars and firesides without outside interference—the right of local sovereignty for which brave people struggle everywhere, and without which there is n
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The causes of the war [from the Sunday News, Charleston, S. C., November 28, 1897.] (search)
ed, That Congress possesses no constitutional authority to interfere, in any way, with the institution of slavery in any of the States of this Confederacy. John C. Calhoun's resolutions passed in the United States Senate January 12, 1838, are of the same tenor, but more elaborate: Resolved, That domestic slavery, as it exixclusively for themselves. Passed the Senate—yeas 35, nays 9—Massachusetts, Vermont and Rhode Island voting in the negative. Calhoun's bill of Wrongs. Mr. Calhoun, in his speech in the Senate, March 4, 1850, sets forth the long course of injustice perpetrated by the North on the South in their attempt to abridge the constportion of the territory controlled by the United States, and how the industry of the South was sapped by the protective tariff for the benefit of the North. Mr. Calhoun says: What was once a constitutional Federal Republic is now converted into one in reality as absolute as that of the Autocrat of Russia, and as despotic in it
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.22 (search)
situation. Whether the road to the Confederacy was straight or devious, the one significant thing was, it led to the goal which the road builders were denied. Calhoun trusted Davis. In the last months of his life, John C. Calhoun, seeing the end of his own availability approaching, prophesied that the young Senator from MissJohn C. Calhoun, seeing the end of his own availability approaching, prophesied that the young Senator from Mississippi, then on crutches from the field of Buena Vista, would be the master spirit in the ripening movement to confederate under one government the slave States. Calhoun died in the belief that the Senator intended his eloquent defence of the right of secession and his eloquent portrayal of the perils which beset the slave StatesCalhoun died in the belief that the Senator intended his eloquent defence of the right of secession and his eloquent portrayal of the perils which beset the slave States should lead to the remedy of secession. But the President of the Southern Confederacy never approved the secession movement. Mr. Davis was, perhaps never quite understood. The hand of the Confederate government denied the predicate of preference to the men from whose brains and hearts the Southern movement had been nourished
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Index. (search)
Buchanan, Admiral Franklin, 244. Buchanan, President Against Coercion, 31. Buell, General Don Carlos, 124, 131. Bullock, Captain James D., 114. Burnside, General A. E., 265. Burton, General H. W., 346. Caddall, J. B., 174. Calhoun, John C., 28, 106. Campbell, John A, 107. Cameran, W. E., 347. Carrington, Colonel H. A., Sketch of, 216. Carter, Colonel, killed, 8. Carter, Lieutenant Henry C., wounded, 6. Carter, Colonel Thomas H., 233. Cedar Creek, Batton of the Federal, 14; its construction, 16, 139. Cummings, Colonel A. C., 97, 174. Daoney, D. D., Rev. Robert L., 3. Dana, C. A., 340. Daniel, Hon. John W., 174, 183, 223. Daves, Major Graham, 275. Davis, Jefferson, trusted by Calhoun, 106; his Rise and Fall of the Confederate States Government, 109; beauty and purity of character of, 294; last escort of, 337; prison life of and fellow prisoners, 338, 371. DeBell, Captain J. B., 144. DeLeon, T. C., 146. DeLeon, Edwar
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.6 (search)
gn States, bound together by a Constitution, from which each State could secede or withdraw at its own will. By the Democratic party Mr. Jefferson is considered the father of the doctrine of States rights, and yet in his first inaugural address he says: If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it. Calhoun believed in the right of secession. Henry Clay declared in the Senate chamber in 1850: In my opinion there is no right on the part of any one or more States to secede from the Union. He depicted with horoscopic certainty the results that would ensue upon its consummation. Webster asserted the people of the United States have declared that the Constitution shall be the supreme law. He denied both the right of nullification and secession. Benjamin Rush, one of the signers of the Declarat
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.7 (search)
d semipolitical government at Washington in the Davis' long sway at the Capitol. Today, in both sections of the Union and abroad their names have gone down the aisles of time linked in one. In the autumn after his marriage Mr. Davis was elected to Congress by a handsome majority, promptly taking a prominent stand and gaining quick recognition for vigor and eloquence in championing the ultra pro-slavery and states rights wing of the Democracy. Hearing his maiden speech in the house, John C. Calhoun said: Keep a swatch on that young man; he will be heard from. In 1846 the Mexican War brought his resignation, to accept command of the regiment of Mississippi Rifles, soon attached to General Taylor's Army of the Rio Grande. There it gave such good account of itself and its commander as to warrant special mention in orders for Monterey, and Davis' splendid charge at Buena Vista—in which he was severely wounded—brought another flattering report to Washington, whether or not, his
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Constitution and the Constitution. (search)
e happy state of having no annals; no financial, no economic issue; no broil with foreign parts; no anarchy at home. There is no pillow of rest for freedom. Calhoun. In the decade between 1840 and 1850 the warder on the watch tower had been the great son. I had almost said the great soul, of South Carolina. In blistering speech, Calhoun had defined the bond which held the gathering host of pillage. He called it the cohesive power of public plunder. The spoils system, he said, must ultimately convert the whole body of office-holders into corrupt sycophants and supple instruments of power; and, again, let us not deceive ourselves—the very essence ox-payers. With a simple dignity befitting senates, on the 11th of January, 1861, Mr. R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, spoke as follows: I have often heard Mr. Calhoun say that most of the conflicts in every government would be found at last to result in the contests between two parties, which he denominated the tax consuming
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Index. (search)
, Gen., 168 Battle Abbey of the Confederacy, Location of decided 166 Bond of Trustees of, 160 Beauregard, Gen. P. G. T., 76 Birdsong, J. C., 360 Black Horse Troop The. 297 Blandford Cemetery, Tribute of Love to Dead Buried there 186 Bloody Angle, Story of the, 206 Bond. E. Holmes 225 Bouldin, Capt. E. E, 13 Breckinridge, Gen. John C., at Meechums, 102 Brock, R. A., 28 Brooks, Capt. W. R., 152 Burgess, W. W. 124 Burgwyn, Col. W. K., How Killed at Gettysburg, 245 Calhoun, John C on Secession, 67 On Public Plunder 324 Campbell Judge John A., 250 His Efforts for Reconstruction, 256 Arbitrary Imprisonment of, 260 Capitol, Location of the Old, 29 Catlett's Station Raid, The, 213 Cavalry Raid in the War of Secession, 280 Chalmers, Gen. A. H,, 184 Chancellor-House Field and Ford, 199 Chiltou, Gen. R. H., 10 Chimborazo Hospital History of, 86 Organization of, 91 Its Trading Boat 90 Christian, Judge, Geo. L., 160 Churchville Cavalry, Roste
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 3. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier), Anti-Slavery Poems (search)
States; that it ought not to interfere with it in the District of Columbia, and that all resolutions to that end should be laid on the table without printing. Mr. Calhoun's bill made it a penal offence for postmasters in any State, District, or Territory knowingly to deliver, to any person whatever, any pamphlet, newspaper, handb for one right worthy to lift up her rusted shield, And to plant again the Pine-Tree in her banner's tattered field! 1846. To a Southern statesman. John C. Calhoun, who had strongly urged the extension of slave territory by the annexation of Texas, even if it should involve a war with England, was unwilling to promote th, A writ against that ‘ vagrant’? Alas! no hope is left us here, And one can only pine for The envied place of overseer Of slaves in Carolina! Pray, Moses, give Calhoun the wink, And see what pay he's giving! We've practised long enough, we think, To know the art of driving. And for the faithful rank and file, Who know their pr
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