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servants in Virginia differed from that of slaves chiefly in the duration of their bondage; and the laws of the colony favored their early enfranchisement. Hening, i. 257. But this state of labor easily admitted the introduction of perpetual servitude. The commerce of Virginia had been at first monopolized by the company; but as its management for the benefit of the corporation led to frequent dissensions, it was in 1620 laid open to free competition. Stith, 171. In the 1620 month of August of that year, just fourteen months after the first representative assembly of Virginia, four months before the Plymouth colony landed in America, and less than a year before the concession of a written constitution, more than a century after the last vestiges of hereditary slavery had disappeared from English society and the English constitution, and six years after the commons of France had petitioned for the emancipation of every serf in every fief, a Dutch manof-war entered James River, a
yed. The tangled woods, the fastnesses of nature, were the bulwarks to which the savages retreated. Pursuit would have been vain; they could not be destroyed except as they were lulled into security, and induced to return to their old homes. In July of the following year, the inhabitants of the 1623. <*>5 Stith. 30 several settlements, in parties, under commissioned Chap V.} officers, fell upon the adjoining savages; and a law of the general assembly commanded, that in July of 1624, the aJuly of 1624, the attack should he repeated. Six years later, the 1630 colonial statute-book proves that schemes of ruthless vengeance were still meditated; for it was sternly insisted, that no peace should be concluded with the Indians—a law which remained in force till a treaty in the administration of Harvey. Burk, i. 275; II. 37. Hening, i. 123. 153. 1632 Meantime, a. change was preparing in the relations 1623 of the colony with the parent state. A corporation, whether commercial or proprietary, is,
well prepared against an attack; and the savages, as timid as they were ferocious, fled with precipitation from the appearance of wakeful re distance. Thus the larger part of the colony was save State of Virginia, in 1622, p. 18. Purchas, IV. 1792, says one thousand eight hundred survived; probably in-exact. Compare Holmes, i. 178, note. A year after the massacre, there still remained two thousand five hundred men; the total number of the emigrants had exceeded four thousand. The immediate consequences of this massacre were disastrous. Public works were abandoned; Stith, 281, 219. 218. the culture of the fields was much restricted; the settlements were reduced from eighty plantations to less than eight. Purchas, IV. 1792. Virginia's Verger, in Purchas, IV. 1816. Stith, 235. Sickness prevailed among the dispirited colonists, who were now crowded into narrow quarters; some even returned to England. But plans of industry were eventually succeeded by schemes of revenge; an
October 24th (search for this): chapter 9
t desired only a month's delay, that all its members might take part in the final decision. The privy council peremptorily demanded a decisive answer within three days; and, Oct. 20. at the expiration of that time, the surrender of the charter was strenuously refused. Stith, 294—296. Burk, i. 269—271 The liberties of the company were a trust which might be yielded to superior force, but could not be freely abandoned without dishonor. But the decision of the king was already taken, Oct. 24. and commissioners were appointed to proceed to Virginia, to examine into the state of the plantation, to ascertain what expectations might be conceived, and to discover the means by which good hopes were to be realized. Burk, i. 272, and note. Chalmers, 62. 76. John Harvey and Samuel Matthews, Chap V.} 1623 both distinguished in the annals of Virginia, were of the number of the committee. It now only remained to issue a writ of quo warran- Nov 10. to against the company. It was
ty, and every aggravation of cruelty. The savages fell upon the dead bodies, as if it had been possible to commit on them a fresh murder. In one hour three hundred and forty-seven persons were cut off. Yet the carnage was not universal, and Virginia was saved from so disastrous a grave. On the massacre; A Declaration of the State of Virginia, with a Relation of the barbarous Massacre, &. c. &c. 1622. This is the groundwork of the narrative in Smith, II. 65—76, and of Purchas, IV. 1788—1791. Stith, 208—213. The night before the execution of the conspiracy, it Chap V.} 1622 was revealed by a converted Indian to an Englishman whom he wished to rescue; Jamestown and the nearest settlements were well prepared against an attack; and the savages, as timid as they were ferocious, fled with precipitation from the appearance of wakeful re distance. Thus the larger part of the colony was save State of Virginia, in 1622, p. 18. Purchas, IV. 1792, says one thousand eight hundred surv<
ly of white servants became a regular business; and a class of men, nicknamed spirits, used to delude young persons, servants and idlers, into embarking for America, as to a land of spontaneous plenty. Bullock's Virginia, 1649, p. 14. White servants came to be a usual article of traffic. They were sold in England to be transported, and in Virginia were resold to the highest bidder; like negroes, they were to be purchased on shipboard, as men buy horses at a fair. Sad State of Virginia, 1657, p. 4, 5. Hammond's Leah and Rachel, 7. In 1672, the average price in the colonies, where five years of service were due, was about ten pounds; while a negro was worth twenty or twenty-five pounds. Blome's Jamaica, 84 and 16. So usual was this manner of dealing in Englishmen, that not the Scots only, who were taken in the field of Dunbar, were sent into involuntary servitude in New England, Cromwell and Cotton, in Hutchinson's Coll. 233—235. but the royalist prisoners of the battle of
October 20th (search for this): chapter 9
g, for a long while, no man spoke a word. Should they tamely surrender privileges which were conceded according to the forms of law, had been possessed for many years, and had led them to expend large sums of money, that had as yet yielded no return? The corporation was inflexible, for it had no interest to yield. It desired only a month's delay, that all its members might take part in the final decision. The privy council peremptorily demanded a decisive answer within three days; and, Oct. 20. at the expiration of that time, the surrender of the charter was strenuously refused. Stith, 294—296. Burk, i. 269—271 The liberties of the company were a trust which might be yielded to superior force, but could not be freely abandoned without dishonor. But the decision of the king was already taken, Oct. 24. and commissioners were appointed to proceed to Virginia, to examine into the state of the plantation, to ascertain what expectations might be conceived, and to discover the m
rbarity, and every aggravation of cruelty. The savages fell upon the dead bodies, as if it had been possible to commit on them a fresh murder. In one hour three hundred and forty-seven persons were cut off. Yet the carnage was not universal, and Virginia was saved from so disastrous a grave. On the massacre; A Declaration of the State of Virginia, with a Relation of the barbarous Massacre, &. c. &c. 1622. This is the groundwork of the narrative in Smith, II. 65—76, and of Purchas, IV. 1788—1791. Stith, 208—213. The night before the execution of the conspiracy, it Chap V.} 1622 was revealed by a converted Indian to an Englishman whom he wished to rescue; Jamestown and the nearest settlements were well prepared against an attack; and the savages, as timid as they were ferocious, fled with precipitation from the appearance of wakeful re distance. Thus the larger part of the colony was save State of Virginia, in 1622, p. 18. Purchas, IV. 1792, says one thousand eight hundred<
pacious courtiers, should have readily granted licenses to the Flemings to transport Negroes 1516. to the colonies? The benevolent Las Casas, who had seen the native inhabitants of the New World vanish away, like dew, before the cruelties of the Spaniards, who felt for the Indians all that an ardent charity and the purest missionary zeal could inspire, and who had seen the African thriving in robust Ibid. III. 370, 371. health under the sun of Hispaniola, returning from America to plead 1517. the cause of the feeble Indians, in the same year which saw the dawn of the Reformation in Germany, suggested the expedient, The merits of Las Casas have been largely discussed. The controversy seems now concluded. Irving's Columbus, III. 367—378. Navarette, Introduccion, s. LVIII. LIX, The Memoir of Las Casas still exists in manuscript. Herrera, d. II. l. II. c. XX. Robertson's America, b. III. It may yet gratify curiosity to compare Gregoire, Apologie de B. Las Casas, in Mem. de
mounted to about one inhabitant to a square mile. Smith, i. 129. Compare Jefferson's Notes, Quaere XI.; True Declaration of Virginia, 10. The extent of a hundred miles was scarce peopled with two thousand inhabitants. The natives, naked and feeble compared with the Europeans, were no where concentrated in considerable villages, but dwelt dispersed in hamlets, with from forty to sixty in each company. Few places had more than two hundred; and many had less. Smith, II. 66. Purchas, IV. 1790. State of Virginia in 1622, p. 19. Heylin, b. IV. 96. It was also unusual for any large portion of these tribes to be assembled together. An idle tale of an ambuscade of three or four thousand is perhaps an error for three or four hundred; otherwise it is an extravagant fiction, wholly unworthy of belief. Smith, i. 177, abundantly refuted by what Smith writ with his own hand, i. 129. Burk, i. 311, 312, condemned too hastily. Smith once met a party, that seemed to amount to seven hundred;
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