hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
New England (United States) 260 0 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 236 0 Browse Search
John Winthrop 190 0 Browse Search
John Smith 182 0 Browse Search
Hazard 160 0 Browse Search
Hening 138 0 Browse Search
Maryland (Maryland, United States) 134 0 Browse Search
France (France) 128 0 Browse Search
Chalmers 128 0 Browse Search
N. Y. Hist 116 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the Colonization of the United States, Vol. 1, 17th edition.. Search the whole document.

Found 552 total hits in 207 results.

... 16 17 18 19 20 21
eligion the tribune of the people and the guardian of the oppressed, had written, that Nature having made no slaves, all men have an equal right to liberty. See his letter to Lupus, king of Valencia, in Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores; Londini, 1652, i. 580. Cum autem omnes liberos natura creasset, nullus conditione nature fuit subditus servituti. But the slave-trade had never relented among the Mahometans: the captive Christian had no alternative but apostasy or servitude, and the captive lanters, that they should deal mildly and gently with their negroes; and that, after certain years of servitude, they should make them free. The idea of George Fox had been anticipated by the fellow-citizens of Gorton and Roger Williams. Nearly 1652. May 18. twenty years had then elapsed, since the representatives of Providence and Warwick, perceiving the disposition of people in the colony to buy negroes, and hold them as slaves forever, had enacted that no black mankind should, by covenant,
oined by a royal ordinance, Ibid. d. i. l. IX. c. v. Herrera is explicit. The note of the French translator of Navarette, i .203, 204, needs correction. A commerce in negroes, sanctioned by the crown, was surely not contraband. and de- 1511. liberately sanctioned by repeated decrees. Irving's Columbus, III. 372. Was it 1512-3 not natural that Charles V., a youthful monarch, surrounded by rapacious courtiers, should have readily granted licenses to the Flemings to transport Negroes 1516. to the colonies? The benevolent Las Casas, who had seen the native inhabitants of the New World vanish away, like dew, before the cruelties of the Spaniards, who felt for the Indians all that an ardent charity and the purest missionary zeal could inspire, and who had seen the African thriving in robust Ibid. III. 370, 371. health under the sun of Hispaniola, returning from America to plead 1517. the cause of the feeble Indians, in the same year which saw the dawn of the Reformation in G
tion; for a small vineyard requires the labor of many hands. It is a law of nature, that, in a new country under the temperate zone, corn and cattle will be raised, rather than silk or wine. The first culture of cotton in the United States de- 1621 serves commemoration. This year the seeds were planted as an experiment; and their plentiful coming up was, at that early day, a subject of interest in America and England. Thorp's letter of May 17, 1621, in a marginal note in Purchas, IV. 1789. Nor did the benevolence of the company neglect to establish places of education, and provide for the support of religious worship. The bishop of London collected and paid a thousand pounds towards a university; which, like the several churches of the colony, was liberally endowed with domains. Stith, 162. 166. 172, 173. Public and private charity were active; Mem. of Religious Charitie, in State of Virginia, 1622, p. 51—54. but the lands were never occupied by productive laborers;
October 17th (search for this): chapter 9
rests were to be sacredly preserved; and all grants of land to be renewed and confirmed. Should the company resist the change, its patent would be recalled. Burk, i. 269. Stith, 303—304. This was in substance a proposition to revert to the charter originally granted. It is difficult to obtain a limitation of authority from a corporate body: an aristocracy is, of all forms of government, the most tenacious of life, and the least flexible in its purposes. The company heard the order Oct. 17. in council with amazement: it was read three several times; and after the reading, for a long while, no man spoke a word. Should they tamely surrender privileges which were conceded according to the forms of law, had been possessed for many years, and had led them to expend large sums of money, that had as yet yielded no return? The corporation was inflexible, for it had no interest to yield. It desired only a month's delay, that all its members might take part in the final decision. T
not long remain doubtful; at the Trinity term of the ensuing year, judgment was given against the treasurer and company, Stith, 329, 330, doubts if judgment were passed. The doubt may be removed. Before the end of the same term, a judgment was declared by the Lord Chief Justice Ley against the company and their charter, only upon a failer, or mistake in pleading. See a Short Collection of the most Remarkable Passages from the Originall to the Dissolution of the Virginia Company; London, 1651, p. 15. See, also, Hazard, l. 191; Chalmers, 62; Proud's Pennsylvania, i. 107 and the patents were cancelled. Thus the company was dissolved. It had fulfilled its high destinies; it had confirmed the colonization of Virginia, and had conceded a liberal form of government to Englishmen in America. It could accomplish Chap V.} 1624 no more. The members were probably willing to escape from a concern which promised no emolument, and threatened an unprofitable strife; the public acquiesced
on by the entire employment of his powers for the benefit of his creditor. Oppression early ensued: men who had been transported into Virginia at an expense of eight or ten pounds, were sometimes sold for forty, fifty, or even threescore pounds. Smith, i. 105. The supply of white servants became a regular business; and a class of men, nicknamed spirits, used to delude young persons, servants and idlers, into embarking for America, as to a land of spontaneous plenty. Bullock's Virginia, 1649, p. 14. White servants came to be a usual article of traffic. They were sold in England to be transported, and in Virginia were resold to the highest bidder; like negroes, they were to be purchased on shipboard, as men buy horses at a fair. Sad State of Virginia, 1657, p. 4, 5. Hammond's Leah and Rachel, 7. In 1672, the average price in the colonies, where five years of service were due, was about ten pounds; while a negro was worth twenty or twenty-five pounds. Blome's Jamaica, 84 and
. but throughout Massachusetts the cry of justice was raised against them as malefactors and murderers; Richard Saltonstall, a worthy assistant, felt himself moved by his duty as a magistrate, to denounce the act of stealing negroes as expressly contrary to the law of God and the law of the country; Ibid. II. 379, 380. the guilty men were committed for the offence; Colony Records, III. 45. and, after advice with the elders, the representatives of the people, bearing witness against the 1646. heinous crime of man-stealing, ordered the negroes to be restored, at the public charge, to their native country, with a letter expressing the indignation of the general court at their wrongs. Colony Laws, c. XII When George Fox visited Barbadoes in 1671, he 1671. enjoined it upon the planters, that they should deal mildly and gently with their negroes; and that, after certain years of servitude, they should make them free. The idea of George Fox had been anticipated by the fellow-c
... 16 17 18 19 20 21