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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 17. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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March 2nd, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1.12
or their action. South Carolina led the way on the 17th of December, 1860, and was followed by the others—Texas having been the last to secede. Her representatives subscribed the provisional Confederate Constitution at Montgomery on the 2d of March, 1861. On the 11th of that month these States, through their representatives, adopted the permanent Confederate Constitution. To understand the full effect of this important step, and how it was regarded by the great majority of the people old that this reply of Mr. Keitt was greeted with laughter. Two governments instead of one. It thus appears that the general result of the secession movement up to and including the time Texas became a member of the Confederacy, on the 2d of March, 1861, was to place the seceding States under the laws of the government from which they had seceded, the only change being that those laws were to be administered and executed by Confederate officers instead of Federal officers. As most of the o
January 30th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1.12
pon the subject of secession. It was determined to hold a convention by a vote of 27,412 for and 15,826 against the measure, out of a voting population of 54,053, as shown by the vote cast at the presidential election in November, 1860, indicating that the people were nearly divided. The convention assembled on the 4th of March following, and on the 18th rejected an ordinance of secession by a vote of 35 to 39 against it. In North Carolina the Legislature passed a bill, on the 30th of January, 1861, to submit to a popular vote the question of calling a convention. The vote was taken on the 28th of February, 1861, and resulted in 46,671 for and 47,333 against holding a convention. In Tennessee, on the 8th of February, 1861, the people voted against calling a convention, 67,360 against and 54,156 for the measure, the total vote being nearly 24,000 less than that cast at the presidential election in November, 1860. In Virginia a convention assembled on the 13th of February,
September 22nd, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 1.12
iversally assumed as a fact that the war was waged by the Federal Government for the overthrow of African slavery, and by the South for the maintenance of that institution. But incalculable as is the benefit of that consequence of the war, if we may put faith in the solemn acts and declarations of the Federal Government it is easy to show that it did not make war to emancipate the slaves, but that it liberated the slaves to help it to make war. President Lincoln's proclamation of September 22, 1862, declares: That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves in any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or
March 4th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1.12
but the Republican party which elected him had not control of Congress. No law, therefore, on the statute-book at the time the cotton States seceded had been enacted by a Republican Congress or approved by a Republican President. A Democratic Congress and a Democratic President, both friendly to the opinions generally held in the slave States on Federal subjects connected with slavery, were responsible for the laws of the country as they stood when Mr. Lincoln was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1861. But that there was nothing in Federal legislation obnoxious to the cotton States themselves at the time the Confederate Government was organized at Montgomery, is shown by the very first act of the Provisional Congress. Statute 1, chapter 1 of the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States, adopted on the 9th of February, 1861, is as follows: An act to continue in force certain laws of the United States of America. Be it enacted by the Confederate States of America i
May 29th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 1.12
he army and navy. * * * Soon after the first call for militia it was considered a duty to authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus; or, in other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to the ordinary process and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous to the public safety. We must add to the powers just enumerated those set forth in a special message to Congress on the 29th of May, 1862, after the passage by the House of Representatives of a resolution censuring Mr. Simon Cameron for making contracts while Secretary of War without authority of law. Mr. Lincoln assumed the responsibility of the acts of Mr. Cameron, and informed Congress that in addition to the things enumerated in his message of July 4th, he had disbursed the public money at his own will, through government officials or private citizens, at his pleasure. Full significance of the proclamation. As I
February 28th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1.12
easure, out of a voting population of 54,053, as shown by the vote cast at the presidential election in November, 1860, indicating that the people were nearly divided. The convention assembled on the 4th of March following, and on the 18th rejected an ordinance of secession by a vote of 35 to 39 against it. In North Carolina the Legislature passed a bill, on the 30th of January, 1861, to submit to a popular vote the question of calling a convention. The vote was taken on the 28th of February, 1861, and resulted in 46,671 for and 47,333 against holding a convention. In Tennessee, on the 8th of February, 1861, the people voted against calling a convention, 67,360 against and 54,156 for the measure, the total vote being nearly 24,000 less than that cast at the presidential election in November, 1860. In Virginia a convention assembled on the 13th of February, 1861, and devoted itself mainly to effect a peaceful adjustment of the troubles of the country and prevent the perma
January 18th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1.12
e popular opposition. How the ordinance was adopted. In South Carolina the ordinance was adopted unanimously by the convention, and while there is nothing to indicate that it met with serious opposition among the people, it was not submitted to them, but took effect by the action of the convention alone. In Georgia a strong minority opposed the measure to the last, and a test resolution, declaring it to be the right and duty of Georgia to secede, passed the convention on the 18th of January, 1861, by a vote of only 165 to 130, and, after the adoption of this resolution, the ordinance of secession was opposed the next day by 89 members against 208 voting in favor of it. In Alabama the ordinance was adopted by the convention on the 11th of January by a vote of 61 to 39. In Florida the ordinance was adopted on the 10th of January, 1861, by a vote of 62 to 7, but was not submitted to the people. In Mississippi the ordinance was adopted on the 9th of January, 1861, by a v
ight be embraced within their scope. Their resolution was quickly taken upon the question thus suddenly forced upon them. The convention of Arkansas, which on the 18th of March had refused to adopt an ordinance of secession by a vote of 35 to 39, assembled again on the 6th of May and passed that ordinance by a vote of 69 to 1. In North Carolina, which had refused in February to call a convention, one was called immediately upon the appearance of the proclamation, which met on the 20th of May and passed an ordinance of secession the following day. In Tennessee, which had refused to call a convention in February, the people ratified an ordinance of secession on the 24th of June by a vote of 104,019 to 47,238, as announced by the Governor. In the Virginia convention, which had refused to adopt an ordinance of secession on the 4th of April, 1861, by a vote of 89 to 45, and which as late as the 11th of April had refused to adopt a conditional declaration in favor of secession, on
November 3rd, 1870 AD (search for this): chapter 1.12
re I was detained by imperative duties. Your friend and late fellow-soldier, Jubal A. Early. Lynchburg, Va., October 24, 1870. Pursuant to this call there assembled at the First Presbyteriar Church, in Richmond, on Thursday evening, November 3d, 1870, the grandest gathering of Confederate soldiers which had met since the war. This church then stood upon the upper portion of the site now occupied by our imposing City Hall. Among the leading officers who participated in the meeting wederate soldier in Virginia) for a meeting of his Confederate comrades for the purpose of testifying their sorrow at the death of their commander and perfecting an organization to build to his memory a monument. A memorable meeting on the 3d of November, 1870, was the result of General Early's action, and a monument association was promptly organized. The funds collected by this last body were, during Governor Kemper's administration, placed by them into the hands of a State board, consisting
January 23rd, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1.12
ly as we shall see in Virginia. Conceding that the States had the right to secede, it was generally regarded as a right which should only be exercised for a grave cause, and it was not easy for the people of those States to perceive a grave reason for secession which was followed by a re-enactment by the seceders of the whole body of the laws of the Union from which they had seceded. Lee on secession. It is of this secession that General Lee wrote from Fort Mason, Texas, on the 23d of January, 1861. He says: The South, in my opinion, has been aggrieved by the acts of the North, as you say. I feel the aggression, and am willing to take every proper step for redress. It is the principle I contend for, not individual or private benefit. As an American citizen, I take great pride in my country, her prosperity and her institutions, and would defend any State if her rights were invaded. But I can anticipate no greater calamity for the country than the dissolution of the Union.
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