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Parallel cases: Ireland, Scotland. But let us look at parallel cases, and they are by no means wanting. In the year 1800, a union was formed between England and Ireland. Ireland, before she entered into the union, was subject, indeed, to the English crown, but she had her own parliament, consisting of her own Lords and Commons, and enacting her own laws. In 1800 she entered into a constitutional union with England on the basis of articles of agreement, jointly accepted by the two parliahe veto of Royal Governors. In 1784, an ordinance was reported by Mr. Jefferson to the old Congress, providing that after 1800 there should be no Slavery in any Territory, ceded or to be ceded to the United States. The ordinance failed at that timent to assure the South a majority on all sectional questions. It enabled her to elect her candidate for the Presidency in 1800, and thus effect the great political revolution of that year, and is sufficient of itself to account for that approach to
resolutions. The sort of interposition intended was left in studied obscurity. Not a word was dropped of secession from the Union. Mr. Nicholas's resolution in 1799 hinted at nullification as the appropriate remedy for an unconstitutional law, but what was meant by the ill-sounding word was not explained. The words null, void the Virginia resolutions, were, on motion of John Taylor of Caroline, stricken from them, on their passage through the assembly; and Mr. Madison, in his report of 1799, carefully explains that no extra constitutional measures were intended. One of the Kentucky resolutions ends with an invitation to the States to unite in a petitLivingston, the keen analysis of Clay, and the crushing logic of Webster. Nor was this all: the venerable author of the Resolutions of 1798 and of the report of 1799 was still living in a green old age. His connection with those State papers and still more his large participation in the formation and adoption of the Constitutio
he cottages of the North, which did not pay this tribute to the Southern planter. The growth of the native article, as we have seen, had not in 1794 reached a point to be known to Chief Justice Jay as one of actual or probable export. As late as 1796, the manufacturers of Brandywine in Delaware petitioned Congress for the repeal of this duty on imported cotton, and the petition was rejected on the Report of a Committee, consisting of a majority from the Southern States, on the ground, that to ery in terms of fearful import. In the same year the Constitution was framed. It recognized the existence of Slavery, but the word was carefully excluded from the instrument, and Congress was authorized to abolish the traffic in twenty years. In 1796, Mr. St. George Tucker, law professor in William and Mary College in Virginia, published a treatise entitled, a Dissertation on Slavery, with a proposal for the gradual abolition of it in the State of Virginia. In the preface to the essay, he spe
gerous neighbor grew upon Spain, and in the insane expectation of checking the progress of the Union westward, she threatened, and at times attempted, to close the mouth of the Mississippi, on the rapidly increasing trade of the West. The bare suggestion of such a policy roused the population upon the banks of the Ohio, then inconsiderable, as one man. Their confidence in Washington scarcely restrained them from rushing to the seizure of New Orleans, when the treaty of San Lorenzo El Real in 1795 stipulated for them a precarious right of navigating the noble river to the sea, with a right of deposit at New Orleans. This subject was for years the turning point of the politics of the West, and it was perfectly well understood, that, sooner or later, she would be content with nothing less than the sovereign control of the mighty stream from its head spring to its outlet in the Gulf; and that is as true now as it was then. So stood affairs at the close of the last century, when the co
in 1830, and the famous Virginia resolutions of 1798 were appealed to by Mr. Calhoun and his friends of his Country! The Virginia resolutions of 1798. Having had occasion to allude to the Virginia resolutions of 1798, I may observe that of these famous resolves, the subject of so much politican truth should be promulgated. The country, in 1798, was vehemently agitated by the struggles of thand Kentucky passed their famous resolutions of 1798, the former drafted by Mr. Madison, and the laticiously as in the embargo. The resolutions of 1798, and the metaphysics they inculcated, were surrr an election is decided. These resolutions of 1798 have been sometimes in Virginia waked from theiall: the venerable author of the Resolutions of 1798 and of the report of 1799 was still living in a the Government, and then for small amounts; in 1798 two millions of dollars, in 1813 three millionsl, but he threw to the winds the resolutions of 1798, which had just brought him into power; he brok
d Congress was authorized to abolish the traffic in twenty years. In 1796, Mr. St. George Tucker, law professor in William and Mary College in Virginia, published a treatise entitled, a Dissertation on Slavery, with a proposal for the gradual abolition of it in the State of Virginia. In the preface to the essay, he speaks of the abolition of Slavery in this State as an object of the first importance, not only to our moral character and domestic peace, but even to our political salvation. In 1797 Mr. Pinkney, in the Legislature of Maryland, maintained that by the eternal principles of justice, no man in the State has the right to hold his slave a single hour. In 1803, Mr. John Randolph, from a committee on the subject, reported that the prohibition of Slavery by the ordinance of 1787, was a measure wisely calculated to promote the happiness and prosperity of the North-western States, and to give strength and security to that extensive frontier. Under Mr. Jefferson, the importation o
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