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rred which induce me to renew the subject in greater detail than was then deemed necessary. In calling to your attention the action of those Governments I shall refer to the documents appended to President Lincoln's messages, and to their own correspondence, as disclosing the true nature of their policy and the motives which guided it. To this course no exception can be taken, inasmuch as our attention has been invited to those sources of information by their official publication. In May, 1861, the Government of Her Britannia Majesty informed our enemies that it had not "allowed any other than an intermediate position on the part of the Southern States," and assured them "that the sympathies of this country (Great Britain) were rather with the North than with the South" On the 1st of June, 1861, the British Government interdicted the use of its ports to "armed ships and privateers, both of the United States and the so-called Confederate States," with their prizes. The Secre
y it may be read. The clear and distinct view which it presents of the whole field which it embraces, cannot fall to make an impression wherever it may be read. Our foreign relations are handled by the President in a masterly manner. He tears off the vell of centrality — flimsy enough in all conscience — with which England endeavors to conceal her hostility to the Confederacy, and exposes to the whole world her mean subserviency to Seward and his emissary in England. As long ago as May, 1861, the British Government took care to inform the latter that the position of his country was "Intermediate," and that its sympathies were rather with the North than with the South." This of itself was a violation of that "strict neutrality" to which such hypocritical pretensions are made, if Vattel be acknowledged of any authority. But this was merely the beginning. In June, 1861, the same Government interdicted the use of its ports to the armed ships and privateers of both the United Stat
Important case in the Confederate States District Court. --The attention of this Court was occupied on yesterday with a long argument with reference to the right of the Confederate States to conscribe citizens of Maryland who have been here since the commencement of the war. The case was that of Robert F. Hobbs, a citizen of Maryland, who came to the Confederate States in the month of May, 1861 , and who, from that time to the present, has been engaged in various peaceful occupations, but who has never performed military service. The petitioner was an able-bodied man, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, but denied that he was a resident of the Confederacy. It was contended by the petitioner's counsel that he was like thousands of other Marylanders, an exile, whose right of asylum in this country should not be disturbed by the enrolling officers. The counsel for the Government contended that he was a resident, having voluntarily cast his lot in the Confederate
ncy of measures proposed, and are referred to the proper committees. Among them were the following: For an enabling act to legalize the proceedings of courts of justice during the war; for repealing the act of 14th and 15th May, 1862, prescribing oaths in certain cases. By Mr. Stearns--For carrying out the recommendation of the Governor relative to schools and colleges. By Mr. Garett --For the assumption by Virginia of the debt due by the people of the State under the act of Congress of May, 1861. By Mr. Wood --For incorporating the National Express Company. By Mr. Scott --For organizing a military force for police duty in the counties. By Mr. Bentley--For reducing the tax on merchants' license. By Mr. Martin--For some relief to the citizens who have lost all they possessed (save their lands) in the war, and who are involved in debts they cannot pay. On motion of Mr. Kelley, a special committee was ordered to inquire into the amount of property of private citizens of this Co
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