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Browsing named entities in a specific section of C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. Search the whole document.

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1788 AD (search for this): chapter 4
ceded or to be ceded by the States of the Federal Government, and including the territory now covered by Tennessee, Mississippi and Alabama. Lost at first by a single vote only, this measure was substantially renewed at a subsequent day by a son of Massachusetts, and in 1787 was finally confirmed, in the Ordinance of the North-Western Territory, by a unanimous vote of the States and their respective delegates. The same spirit is discerned in the Federal Constitution which was adopted in 1788, where express provision was made for the abolition of the slave-trade, the discreditable words slave and slavery being allowed no place in that sacred instrument; while a clause subsequently added, specifically declared that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law. It is evident, from a perusal of the debates on the Federal Constitution, that Slavery, like the slave trade, was regarded as temporary; and it seems to have been supposed by many t
January (search for this): chapter 4
journal, the following bright and pointed editorial appeared: The mountain that has been in labor for the last three months has brought forth, and Charles Sumner, Esq., has been elected for six years, from the 4th of March next, to succeed Mr. Webster in the Senate of the United States. This was consummated in the House of Representatives this afternoon, on the twenty-sixth ballot, by a vote of 193, being the exact number necessary in concurrence with the choice of the Senate, made in January last. This will be a sore disappointment to the Whig Party, who have a plurality of some 20,000 votes in the State; but the fates have so decreed, and so it must be. The die is cast, and the Whigs and the indomitable Democracy have lost the game. We are not prepared to proclaim the country ruined in consequence of this event. Mr. Sumner is a forcible and eloquent speaker, an apt scholar, a man of superior abilities, of polished address and extensive acquaintance with the men and events o
February 15th, 1793 AD (search for this): chapter 4
erogatives, which were thence derived, nor any order of chivalry, nor any corporations or decorations, for which proofs of nobility are required, or which supposed distinctions of birth, nor any other superiority than that of public functionaries in discharge of their functions. * * * There is no longer, for any part of the nation, nor for any individual, any privilege or exception to the law, common to all Frenchmen. （Moniteur, 1791, No. 259.) The Declaration of Rights of Condorcet—Feb. 15, 1793—contained fresh inculcations of the Equality of men, Article 8th saying: The Law ought to be equal for all,—Instruction is the need of all, and society owes it equally to all its members. The natural and imprescriptible rights of men are Equality, liberty, safety, property. And in the next article it shows what is meant by Equality. It says, All men are equal by nature, and before the law. （Moniteur, 1793, No. 178.) Here we first meet this form of definition. At a later day, af
1787 AD (search for this): chapter 4
alienable rights—that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. And again, in the Congress of the Confederation, he brought forward, as early as 1784, a resolution to exclude Slavery from all the territory ceded or to be ceded by the States of the Federal Government, and including the territory now covered by Tennessee, Mississippi and Alabama. Lost at first by a single vote only, this measure was substantially renewed at a subsequent day by a son of Massachusetts, and in 1787 was finally confirmed, in the Ordinance of the North-Western Territory, by a unanimous vote of the States and their respective delegates. The same spirit is discerned in the Federal Constitution which was adopted in 1788, where express provision was made for the abolition of the slave-trade, the discreditable words slave and slavery being allowed no place in that sacred instrument; while a clause subsequently added, specifically declared that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty o
October 3rd, 1850 AD (search for this): chapter 4
Fugitive Slave law in the Constitution, and I take no step backwards—had alienated from him the friends of a lifetime, and slammed the doors of old Faneuil Hall in his face. There was but one man in Massachusetts that could be his successor. That man was Charles Sumner. But before we give an account of his election, and the unforeseen circumstances which attended it, we shall give some extracts from a powerful speech he delivered at the Free-Soil State Convention in Boston, on the 3d of October, 1850, his theme being once more, our present Anti-Slavery duties. The long session of Congress had come to an end; its members were hurrying to their homes to give an account of their stewardship. No man at the North, who had voted for the Fugitive Slave Law, was ever to recover his former popularity. Many of them were to leave public life forever: some with the regrets and the esteem of large minorities; others with the hostility of former friends, and the contempt of whole communitie
1790 AD (search for this): chapter 4
of the revered authors of the Constitution, by supposing that they set their hands to it, believing that slavery was to be perpetual—that the republic, which, reared by them to its giant stature, had snatched from Heaven the sacred fire of freedom, was to be bound, like another Prometheus, in the adamantine chains of fate, while slavery, like another vulture, preyed upon its vitals. Let Franklin speak for them. He was President of the earliest Abolition Society in the United States, and in 1790, only two years after the adoption of the Constitution, addressed a petition to Congress, calling upon them to step to the very verge of the power vested in them for discouraging every species of traffic in our fellow-men. Let Jefferson speak for them. His desire for the abolition of slavery was often expressed with philanthropic warmth and emphasis. Let Washington speak for them. It is among my first wishes, he said, in a letter to John Fenton Mercer, to see some plan adopted by which s
March 7th (search for this): chapter 4
lored fellow-citizens. XIII. But these great efforts of the private citizen were drawing to a close. Mr. Sumner was soon to be transferred to a broader field of effort and power. A radical change had passed over the public mind everywhere, especially in Massachusetts. There the indignation that had been aroused by the passage of the Fugitive Slave Bill can hardly be understood at this day. The vast popularity of Daniel Webster seemed to vanish in an hour after his speech of the 7th of March. Those words with which he opened that speech in the Senate—I find the Fugitive Slave law in the Constitution, and I take no step backwards—had alienated from him the friends of a lifetime, and slammed the doors of old Faneuil Hall in his face. There was but one man in Massachusetts that could be his successor. That man was Charles Sumner. But before we give an account of his election, and the unforeseen circumstances which attended it, we shall give some extracts from a powerful spee
April 24th, 1776 AD (search for this): chapter 4
ounded on oppression, and that if I was in America, I should resist to the last such manifest exertion of tyranny, violence, and injustice. In another debate in the Commons, Dec. 8th, 1785, Mr. Fox said: I have always said that the war carrying on against America is unjust. In the Commons, March 11th, 1776, Col. Barre, Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, all vied in eulogies upon General Montgomery, the account of whose death before Quebec had arrived some days before. In the Commons, April 24th, 1776, a debate arose on the Budget, containing resolutions to raise taxes to carry on the war against America. Mr. Fox then said: To the resolutions he should give a flat negative, and that not because of any particular objection to the taxes proposed (although it might be a sufficient ground for urging many) but because he could not conscientiously agree to grant any money for so destructive, so ignoble a purpose as the carrying on a war commenced unjustly, and supported with no othe
1647 AD (search for this): chapter 4
ldren,— meaning the children of the town where the schools are. The 5th and 6th sections provide for the establishment, in certain cases, of a school, in which additional studies are to be pursued, which shall be kept for the benefit of all the inhabitants of the town. Here the language not only does not recognize any discrimination among the children, but seems directly to exclude it. In conformity with these sections is the peculiar phraseology of the memorable law of the Colonies in 1647, founding Public Schools, to the end that learning be not buried in the graves of our forefathers. This law obliged towns having fifty families forthwith to appoint one within their limits to teach all such children as shall resort to him, to write and read. (Ancient Charters, 186.) III. The Courts of Massachusetts have never recognized any discrimination, founded on color or race, in the administration of the Public Schools; but have recognized the equal rights of all the inhabitants.
September 23rd, 1846 AD (search for this): chapter 4
ith especial pride to the felicitation addressed to him, as the man who knew so well how to say no. Be this the example for Massachusetts, and may it be among her praises hereafter, that on this occasion she knew so well how to say no! V. So far as Mr. Sumner had been a party man, he had been counted among the Whigs, for he had more hopes, he said, that they would be the party of freedom. He had been elected to a Whig State Convention, which assembled at Faneuil Hall on the 23d of September, 1846, where a good deal of curiosity was excited, and some solicitude felt, in regard to the course he would take. But at an early stage of the meeting, being called upon by the President, he delivered a powerful speech upon The Anti-Slavery Duties of the Whig Party, which produced a profound impression of admiration among all, for the boldness, the candor, and the manliness of his words. But by a large majority of the Convention it was regarded as a speech for unhealthy agitation; the
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