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Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 34 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 44 (search)
were taken indiscriminately. Very few of the knights were degraded by the taking away of their horses, nor was severity shown towards any rank. The atrium Libertatis and the villa publicaThese buildings were used by the censors. were rebuilt and enlarged by the same censors. The sacred spring was celebrated and the votive Roman Games performed according to the vow made by Servius Sulpicius Galba.Livy is probably wrong as to the praenomen of Sulpicius, who is probably the consul who, in 200 B.C., vowed games (XXXI. ix. 6-10). While men's minds were intent upon this spectacle, Quintus Pleminius,See XXXI. xii. 2 and the note. who, on account of the many crimes against gods and men which he had committed at Locri, had been thrown into prison, had arranged that men should at night set fire to the city in several places, so that in a state panic-stricken by the disturbance at night the prison might be broken open. This was revealed by the testimony of his accomplices and was
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 34 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 53 (search)
ple ten years before, during the Punic war, and as censor he had let the contract.In 204 B.C. (XXIX. xxxvi. 8) P. Sempronius Tuditanus vowed a temple to this Praenestine divinity. Livy's account contains other difficulties, since Tuditanus was censor before he was consul (in 209 B.C.: XXVII. xi. 7), and no P. Sempronius Sophus is known who was consul and censor during this period. Likewise, on the Island, Gaius Servilius the duumvir dedicated a temple to Jupiter; it had been vowed six years before in the Gallic war by the praetor Lucius Furius Purpurio, and contracted for by the same man as consul.In XXXI. xxi. 12 Furius vows a temple to Diiovis during his praetorship in 200 B.C. In XXXV. xli. 8 Livy says that he vowed one temple to Jupiter while praetor and another while consul, and had both built on the Capitoline. These were the events of that year.This sentence has been misplaced, either by Livy or by a scribe, since the following chapter deals with the same year.
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 41 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), chapter 23 (search)
This one people out of all Greece, together with the Athenian state, had gone so far in their anger as to exclude Macedonians from their territories.The corresponding portion of Polybius is lost, and we have no confirmation of this statement regarding the Achaeans. For Athens, Livy may have in mind the violent anti-Macedonian legislation of 200 B.C. (XXXI. xliv). And so when slaves escaped from Achaea Macedonia was a refuge for them because, since the Achaeans had forbidden the Macedonians to enter their country, they themselves did not dare to cross the frontiers of their kingdom. Accordingly, when Perseus had become aware of this, he arrested all the fugitives [and sent letters graciously promising to restore such slaves to them].I have rendered in a somewhat abbreviated form the thought which Sigonius reconstructed on the strength of the indications contained in sect. 4 and 15 below, but have not ventured to insert in the text the Latin of his conjectural restorati
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 42 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.), chapter 34 (search)
er nothing but her free birth and her chastity, and with these a fertility which would be enough evenB.C. 171 for a wealthy home. We have six sons, and two daughters, both of whom are now married. Four of our sons have assumed the toga of manhood,That is, were over sixteen or seventeen; the man's toga, except for senators, was plain white; the boy's had a purple border-stripe. two wear the boys' stripe. I became a soldier in the consulship of Publius Sulpicius and Gaius Aurelius.200 B.C., cf. XXXI. v. 1. In the army which was taken over to Macedonia I served two years as a private soldier against King Philip; in the third year, for my bravery, Titus Quinctius Flamininus made me centurion of the tenth maniple of the advance formation.The advance formation (hastati) was the lowest in rank of the three main subdivisions of the legion, and the tenth maniple the lowest in rank in the formation; from his subsequent status, it seems likely that Ligustinus was given the forward cen
Sir Richard C. Jebb, Commentary on Sophocles: Oedipus at Colonus, section 18 (search)
could be made into a pair of comic trimeters, e.g. ei) me\n *sofokle/hs ei)mi/, parafronoi=m' a)\n ou)/: ei) d' au)= parafronw=, *sofokle/hs ou)k ei)/m' e)gw/. This would fit into a burlesque forensic speech, in the style of the new rhetoric, which the comedy may have put into the mouth of Sophocles. As though, in a modern comedy, the pedagogue should say,—"If I am Doctor X., I am not fallible; if I am fallible, I am not Doctor X.". The words are quoted in the anonymous Life of Sophocles as being recorded by Satyrus, a Peripatetic who lived about 200 B.C., and left a collection of biographies. His work appears to have been of a superficial character, and uncriticalThe literary vestiges of this Satyrus will be found in Müller, Fragm. Hist. III. 159 ff.. The incident of the trial, as he found it in a comedy of the time of Sophocles, would doubtless have found easy acceptance at his hands. From Satyrus, directly or indirectly, the story was probably derived by Cicero and later writer
Sir Richard C. Jebb, Commentary on Sophocles: Antigone, section 20 (search)
ctingHad the play any bearing upon the poet's appointment? this strategia of Sophocles with the production of his Antigone? The authority for such a connection is the first Argument to the play. This is ascribed to Aristophanes of Byzantium (c. 200 B.C.), but is more probably of later origin. It says;—‘They say (fasi/) that Sophocles was appointed to the strategia which he held at Samos, because he had distinguished himself by the production of the Antigone.’ Here, as so often elsewhere, the hrase, ‘they say,’ is not an expression of doubt, but an indication that the story was found in several writers. We know the names of at least two writers in whose works such a tradition would have been likely to occur. One of them is Satyrus (c. 200 B.C.), whose collection of biographies was used by the author of the Life of SophoclesSee Introduction to the Oed. Col., § 18, p. xli. J. S. III.3; the other—also quoted in the Life—is Carystius of Pergamum, who lived about 110 B.C., and wr
Sir Richard C. Jebb, Commentary on Sophocles: Antigone, *s*o*f*o*k*l*e*o*u*s *a*n*t*i*g*o*n*h (search)
t at least be regarded as very doubtful. If the perfect a)nh/|rhtai in line 2 is sound, it is an indication of much later age, as has been shown in the critical note above. Another such indication, I think, is the phrase ei)s mnhmei=on kata/geion e)nteqei=sa para\ (instead of u(po\) tou= *kre/ontos (l. 2),—a later (and modern) use of the prep. which does not surprise us in Salustius (Arg. II. l. 11 para\ tou= *kre/ontos kwlu/etai), but which would be strange in the Alexandrian scholar of circ. 200 B.C. In the Laurentian MS. this Argument precedes, while the other two follow, the play. e)n *)antigo/nh| Only some 21 small fragments remain (about 80 verses in all), and these throw no light on the details of the plot. to\n *mai/ona. This reading is made almost certain by the mention of ‘Maion, son of Haemon’ in Il. 4.394, coupled with the fact that L has *mai/mona in the margin (see cr. n.). But the reading meta\ tou= *ai(/monos just before is doubtful. If it is sound, then we must underst<
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, VEIOVIS, AEDES (search)
ediovis (Fast. i. 293-294: Iuppiter in parte est: cepit locus unus utrumque / iunctaque sunt magno templa nepotis (sc. Aesculapii) avo); and another assumption that the entries in the Calendar (Fast. Praen. ad Kal. Ian., CIL i. p. 231: [Aescu]lapio Vediovi in insula; Fast. Ant. ap. NS 1921, 83: Aesculap(io) Co[ns]o Vediove) refer necessarily to a temple of Vediovis. In the same way another passage in Livy (xxxi. 21. 12), where he is speaking of L. Furius Purpurio at the battle of Cremona in 200 B.C., may be made to refer to the same temple by reading: aedemque Vediovi (for the MSS. deo Iovi) vovit si eo die hostes fudisset. These emendations, and therefore the existence of the temple, near that of Aesculapius, are accepted by most scholars (cf. HJ 635: WR 236; Jord. Comm. in honor. Mommsen 359-362; Gilb. iii. 82-84; Mommsen, CIL 12. p. 305), but not by Besnier (249-272), who refuses to accept the identification of Vediovis and Iuppiter and explains the reference in the calendar by a sa
Agesi'mbrotus commander of the Rhodian fleet in the war between the Romans and Philip, king of Macedonia, B. C. 200-197. (Liv. 31.46, 32.16, 32.)
Alexander of ATHENS, a comic poet, the son of Aristion, whose name occurs in an inscription given in Böckh (Corp. Inscr. i. p. 765), who refers it to the 145th Olympiad. (B. C. 200.) There seems also to have been a poet of the same name who was a writer of the middle comedy, quoted by the Schol. on Homer (Hom. Il. 9.216), and Aristoph. (R(an. 864), and Athen. (iv. p. 170e. x. p. 496c.; Meineke, Fragm. Com. vol. i. p. 487.) [C.P.M