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o voce, I have nothing to say ; but Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, got up to answer the speech, and baited him for er to Mr. Foote's announcement that the people of Mississippi did not agree with him — that he would not remainr if he did not believe that he truly represented Mississippi; and though no specific pledge was given, it was an understood thing that the two Mississippi senators were to meet and discuss before the people their differene affiliated. In a message to the Legislature of Mississippi, General Quitman had expressed these views, and tand they were nearly as numerous as the people of Mississippi, unwilling to disappoint him. He had been arrestgs of envy or ill — will could lead the people of Mississippi to believe that he had dishonored their trust, by been sustained. Many of the Democratic party of Mississippi recognized a consequent obligation to renominatethe dissolution of the Union. After my return to Mississippi in 185 I, I took ground against the policy of sec
f in the reports of surveys carried on under the Ordnance Bureau in England, and encyclopaedia skimming of similar works on the continent. The ablest and best-posted defender of the superintendent was Mr. Jefferson Davis, then Senator from Mississippi. He graduated in the same class with Professor Bache, and was his life-long friend. With far more accurate knowledge of the subject than Mr. Benton, and advised by Professor Bache, he made a searching and exhaustive review of the coast susident and his Cabinet, that he was only saved by the chance of his going to another hotel, etc.; but at last the lead poison was ascertained to be a fact, and the excitement quieted down, but the accident plunged many families into mourning. Mississippi lost a gallant soldier, a faithful advocate, and useful citizen from this cause, General John Anthony Quitman, and she mourned him with a deep sense of his rare moral qualities and great civil and military services. The day of the inaugura
ng on the lower floor in extending a cordial, very cordial greeting to the honored guest from Mississippi. Address of Jefferson Davis at Faneuil Hall, Boston, October 12, 1858. Countrymen, Brehat extreme kind which proves incompatibility; for your Massachusetts man, when he comes into Mississippi, adopts our opinions and our institutions, and frequently becomes the most extreme man among re, their respect for the past, is the same as that which exists among my beloved brethren in Mississippi. In the hour of apprehension I shall turn back to my observations here, in this consecrast, which is the period our people believe makes one safe from chills and fevers, returned to Mississippi to straighten out plantation matters and give an account of his stewardship to his constituenappears now arcadian. Perhaps it would always have been as at present, had the population of Mississippi not consisted mainly of the planters, who were a law unto themselves and felt themselves to b
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1, Chapter 43: thirty-sixth Congress — Squatter sovereignty, 1859-61. (search)
las) might have remembered, if he had chosen to recollect so unimportant a thing, that I once had to explain to him, ten years ago, the fact that I repudiated the doctrine of that letter at the time it was published, and that the Democracy of Mississippi had well-nigh crucified me for the construction which I placed upon it. There were men mean enough to suspect that the construction I gave to the Nicholson letter was prompted by the confidence and affection I felt for General Taylor. At a su the people of a Territory could only exclude slavery when the Territory should form a constitution and be admitted as a State. This doubt continued to hang over the construction, and it was that doubt alone which secured Mr. Cass the vote of Mississippi. If the true construction had been certainly known, he would have had no chance to get it. Whatever meaning the generally discreet and conservative statesman, Mr. Cass, may have intended to convey, it is not at all probable that he foresa
nate Committee on Territories, introduced a number of bills which were referred to a select committee, of which Mr. Clay was chairman. These bills, with little modification, were united and reported as what is familiarly known as the Omnibus Bill. Your compliment to Mr. Clay on page eleven is, I believe, just in so far as his influence secured the passage of the bills, the result which was otherwise doubtful. I opposed the measure with all the power I possessed, and after my return to Mississippi, advised the protest and such action as the united South might take to secure then a settlement which would guarantee our constitutional rights, and in many speeches stated the belief that if the occasion was allowed to pass, any future assertion of our rights must be written in blood. The lease it gave was, as you say, of short duration, because it was a compromise only in name. It had no element of permanent pacification. The refusal to extend the line of thirty-six degrees and th
of the United States shall be told in his own words: Mississippi was the second State to withdraw from the Union, her ordegates. Telegraphic intelligence of the secession of Mississippi had reached Washington some considerable time before theat the same time. In the action which she then took, Mississippi certainly had no purpose to levy war against the United e Senate that I have satisfactory evidence that the State of Mississippi, by a solemn ordinance of her people, in conventionieved there was justifiable cause, if I had thought that Mississippi was acting without sufficient provocation, or without an, therefore, say I concur in the action of the people of Mississippi, believing it to be necessary and proper, and should havtate. A State finding herself in the condition in which Mississippi has judged she is — in which her safety requires that shights which our fathers bequeathed us, which has brought Mississippi to her present decision. She has heard proclaimed the t