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Browsing named entities in Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 38-39 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D.).

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When the ambassadors reported this to the Achaeans, with the approval of all the cities which were represented at that council, war was declared upon the Lacedaemonians. WinterThis must be the winter of 189-188 B.C. The details of the chronology are obscure, but the siege of Same must have lasted well into the autumn. prevented the immediate prosecution of the war; nevertheless, their territories were devastated by small raids, more like brigandage than war, not only on land but also by ships from the sea. ThisB.C. 189 disturbance brought the consul to the Peloponnesus; and by his order a council was called at Elis and the Lacedaemonians summoned to take part in the debate. Not only a lively debate took place there but also a violent quarrel, to which the consul, although in other respects, favouring both sides in a spirit of conciliation, he had given ambiguous replies, put an end by the one peremptory demand that they should refrain from war until they had sen
ity if they let this one slip; the treaty, they said, which had been ratified with religious sanction on the Capitoline, at Olympia, and on the Acropolis at Athens, had been made void by those men;Their exact meaning is uncertain. before they were bound anew by another treaty they urged that the guilty should be punished. Then the multitude, inflamed by these words, at the call of one man, who shouted out that they should strike, began to throw stones. And so seventeen of those who had been put into chains in the excitement were killed.This affair was too ingeniously explained by Lycortas in 184 B.C. (XXXIX. xxxvi. 9-16). The next day sixty-three were arrested whom the praetor had protected against violence, not because he was concerned for their safety but because he did not wish them to be killed without pleading their cause, becoming the victims of an angry mob, and when they had spoken briefly to hostile ears all were condemned and handed over for execution.
Fear having been thus inspired in the Lacedaemonians, it was first ordered that they should destroy their walls; then, that all the foreign auxiliaries who had served under the tyrants for pay should leave Laconian territory; next, that the slaves whom the tyrants had freedNabis defended this policy in XXXIV. xxxi. 14-18. —their number was large —should depart before a designated day; if any of them remained the Achaeans were to have the right to seize, carry off and sell them; then, that they should annul the laws and customs of LycurgusThe traditional Spartan constitution had been preserved when Sparta was taken into the Achaean League in 192 B.C. (
ces were decreed, and the praetors were allowed to enlist as reinforcements from the allies and to transport with them each three thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry. Before the newB.C. 188 magistrates departed for their provinces a three day period of prayer was proclaimed in the name of the college of decemvirs at all the street-corner shrines because in the day-time, between about the third and fourth hours, darkness had covered everything.This eclipse has been dated July 17, 188 B.C. (corrected calendar). Also a nine-day sacrifice was decreed because (so it was said) there had been a shower of stones on the Aventine. The Campanians,Cf. xxviii. 4 above. since, according to the decree which had been passed the year before, the censors compelled them to be assessed at Rome —for previously it had been uncertain where they should be assessed —requested that they should be permitted to take Roman citizens as wives, that any who had already married Roman citizens should b
and because he belonged to the party of Philopoemen, who was responsible for whatever had been done in Lacedaemon, replied thus: "It is more difficult for us, Appius Claudius, to speak in your presence than it was recently in Rome before the senate.He probably means the embassy reported in xxxiii. 7 above, although it is not recorded that Lycortas himself was a member of that embassy, and Livy has not mentioned any argument with the Lacedaemonians at that time. Lycortas was also at Rome in 189 B.C. (XXXVIII. xxxii. 5-10). For then our task was to answer the accusations of the Lacedaemonians: now we have been accused by you, before whom we must plead our cause. This disadvantage of situation we accept in the hope that you will listen in the spirit of a judge, laying aside the vehemence of a prosecutor with which you spoke a little while ago. I at any rate, when these complaints which were presented, both here previously before Quintus CaeciliusThere must have been uno
ersion of Livy was genuine. Its sophistry is evident, and it is difficult to see how even a supporter of Philopoemen could have honestly maintained that Lacedaemon had equal rights in the League. But, genuine or imaginary, the speech seems to picture fairly the actual situation that existed in Greece, and its accuracy suggests that Livy had some evidential basis for his composition. For an excellent and well-documented discussion of this question, see Larsen, Was Greece Free between 196 and 146 B.C.? in Classical Philology 30, 1935, 193-214. Larsen's findings agree in general with the point of view of this note, although he does not use this speech as evidence. Lycortas was heard with applause on the part of the majority, and all said that he had spoken in a manner consistent with the dignity of his office, so that it was readily apparent that by a soft answer the Romans could not maintain their position. Then Appius said that he earnestly advised the Achaeans to come to terms while it
in my judgment, if we ourselves lived under one code and imposed another upon them, would they be able to complain and feel indignant that their status was unfair. I know, Appius Claudius, that the speech that I have thus far delivered is neither that of allies in the presence of allies nor that of a free people, but in reality that of slaves arguing before their masters. For if those words of the herald, with which you Romans ordered the Achaeans first of all to be free,The decree of 196 B.C. (XXXIII. xxxii. 5; Polybius XVIII. xlvi.) named no Peloponnesian state except Corinth, the others being omitted, presumably, because they were already free. The speaker is therefore inexact in his quotation, although omnium primos is exact to the extent that Corinth was the first state mentioned in the decree. were not a mere sham, if the treaty was in fact valid, if the alliance and friendship are being impartially observed, why do I not ask what you Romans did when you took Capua, as you
ared that his candidacy ought not to be acceptedThe presiding magistrate had wide discretion in accepting or rejecting candidacies. because one man could not seek or hold two offices simultaneously, especially curule offices; part thought that he should be exempted from the operation of the laws, so that the people might have the opportunity of electing whomsoever they wished to the praetorship.The doctrine here expressed had been most recently invoked for the benefit of Flamininus in 199 B.C. (XXXII. vii. 11). Lucius Porcius the consul was at first of the opinion that he should not accept his name; then, that he might take this action with the authorization of the senate, calling together the Fathers, he said that he was referring the matter to them because there was neither any law nor any precedent, acceptable in a free state, that a curule aedile elect might seek the praetorship; unless something else seemed best to them, it was his intention to hold the election
When this election had been avoided by the wisdom and courage of the senate, another followed,Cf. the similar contest at the preceding election of 189 B.C. (XXXVII. lvii. 9 —lviii. 2). involving a greater contest, as it was both for a more important prize and participated in by more and more powerful men. The censorship was sought with the most intense rivalry by Lucius Valerius Flaccus,B.C. 184 Publius and Lucius Scipio, Gnaeus Manlius Volso and Lucius Furius Purpurio, patricians, as well as by the plebeians Marcus Porcius Cato, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, Tiberius Sempronius Longus and Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus.All the candidates were ex-consuls, as usual. Publius Scipio is Nasica, Lucius Scipio was striving for rehabilitation after his trial, but the outcome of the election suggests that the glory of the Scipios had, at least for a time, departed. But among all the patricians and plebeians of the most illustrious houses, Marcus Porcius Cato stood out most conspicuou
e rest remained within the defile to guard the trains, sheltered by a double rampart. The following day, having reconnoitred the defile before they moved, they joined the van. In this battle there was a loss both of baggage and of camp-followers and a considerable number of soldiers had fallen, since there was fighting everywhere along the whole defile, but the most serious blow received was the death of Quintus Minucius Thermus, a man of courage and energy.He had been consul in 193 B.C. and was one of the ten commissioners. That day they reached the Hebrus river. Then they crossed the frontiers of the Aenians near the temple of Apollo, whom the natives call Zerynthius. Another pass confronted them near Tempyra —this is the name of the placenot less rough than the former; but, because there is no wooded country around it, it does not furnish even hiding-places for ambuscades. The Thrausi,B.C. 188 these too being Thracians, assembled here with the same hope
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