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White (search for this): chapter 8
usiness when De Trobriand drove the Conservative Members out of their seats by force. A Report, embodying these five facts, has been presented to Congress, and has roused the country like a crash of war. The full Committee is coming down, but no one thinks the four Members who have not been here will contradict the three who have. From east to west, the country seems to be aflame. Quick, sensitive, meridional as are the men of New Orleans, they are not prepared for such an outbreak of White sentiment as fires the North. Boston is not less eager in sympathy than New York. Pittsburg joins hands with Cleveland; Cincinnati calls aloud to San Francisco. Never, since President Lincoln's death, has so much passion found a vent in speech. Statesmen who weigh their words are coming to the front, arraigning President Grant of something like high treason to the commonwealth. Adams in Boston, Bryant in New York, are giving the highest intellectual sanction to the general fury. Evart
Henry C. Warmoth (search for this): chapter 8
overnment, and restore a reign of peace. Have not the coloured people a majority of votes in the whole State-ninety thousand against seventy-six thousand? On the present lists, they have, replies the Governor; but the lists are drawn in fraud. How can the coloured people have more votes than we have? In numbers we are nearly equal-three hundred and sixty-two thousand Whites to three hundred and sixty-four thousand Blacks. These figures are not ours. The census was taken under Warmoth's government. We know that some of the returns are false-and false in favour of the coloured men. But take the figures as they stand. How can a difference of two thousand in the population, yield a difference of fourteen thousand in the voting lists? That is not easy to make out. Except by fraud; by manifest and unblushing fraud. The fact is, Negroes are registered in different names and different parishes. Dead Negroes are kept on the lists; Negroes under age are put on the lis
Potter (search for this): chapter 8
overnment by Kellogg and Antoine cannot be put down.... The present State government cannot maintain itself in power a single hour without the protection of Federal troops. . . . The State government has not the confidence and respect of any portion of the community. General Sherman has sent these warnings on to Washington, marked by him with the significant words- for the personal perusal of General Grant. What say the Sub-Committee? Foster of Ohio, and Phelps of New Jersey, agree with Potter of New York, in a Report to Congress, setting forth these five facts: First: that the late election was mainly a fair one; Second : that no unusual pressure was put on coloured voters; Third: that many of the Negroes wish to get rid of Kellogg; Fourth: that the Returning Board was unlawfully constituted and made false returns; Fifth: that the Assembly was transacting business when De Trobriand drove the Conservative Members out of their seats by force. A Report, embodying
House (search for this): chapter 8
as an easy and yet resolute manner. As we enter the House Captain Kidd is speaking; Kidd, a lawyer and a soldier, and of equal standing in the camp and at the bar. He proposes that the whole body of Conservative legislators shall march to the State House, lower down the street, and demand admission to their seats. Sixty-six gentlemen are present: the fifty-three members who are certified, and thirteen others who are wrongfully unseated by the Kellogg board. You profess to be a lawful House? we ask the Speaker. No, says Wiltz, in a decided tone; We claim to be a legal quorum ; but we call ourselves a caucus, not an assembly; for we mean to keep within the law, even in such things as words. While Kidd is urging the Conservatives to take a more decided course, a telegram is sent to Washington, asking Senator Thurman for advice. Thurman is a leading Democrat, sitting in Congress for Ohio, and is much consulted by Conservatives in the South. Be patient, is the wise repl
Evarts (search for this): chapter 8
ck, sensitive, meridional as are the men of New Orleans, they are not prepared for such an outbreak of White sentiment as fires the North. Boston is not less eager in sympathy than New York. Pittsburg joins hands with Cleveland; Cincinnati calls aloud to San Francisco. Never, since President Lincoln's death, has so much passion found a vent in speech. Statesmen who weigh their words are coming to the front, arraigning President Grant of something like high treason to the commonwealth. Adams in Boston, Bryant in New York, are giving the highest intellectual sanction to the general fury. Evarts, the ablest lawyer in America, is denouncing Sheridan and De Trobriand, in terms not often applied by lawyers to the lowest tools of a despotic power. The curses showered on Kellogg have a bitterness unequalled since the war. Should President Grant back down, repudiating Sheridan and letting Kellogg go, where, in such. a reign of anarchy, will the legal government of the State reside?
Ogden (search for this): chapter 8
se gentlemen are right or wrong in their special claims, they will not be easily beaten from the ground they once take up. General McEnery is a small man, something like President Grant in face, with meditative eyes, and dreamy features, half-concealed by thick whiskers and heavy moustache. General Penn is younger than his chief; a typical Southern man, with shaven chin, black eyes and eyebrows, and a penthouse of moustache; in accent and appearance the embodiment of fighting power. General Ogden has a round head, set on a sturdy frame; a prompt and ready man, not troubled, one might say, by doubts and scruples as to where his duty lies. All three are gentlemen of property. We claim, says General McEnery, to represent ninety-five per cent. of all the property in this city, ninety-eight per cent. of all the property in this State. From what we learn in other quarters we have reason to believe this statement true. And yet, adds Penn, laughing, we, who own nearly all the prope
Kidd (search for this): chapter 8
er Wiltz. A man of spare figure, closely-cropped hair, and pale, wan face, the Hon. Louis A. Wiltz has an easy and yet resolute manner. As we enter the House Captain Kidd is speaking; Kidd, a lawyer and a soldier, and of equal standing in the camp and at the bar. He proposes that the whole body of Conservative legislators shallKidd, a lawyer and a soldier, and of equal standing in the camp and at the bar. He proposes that the whole body of Conservative legislators shall march to the State House, lower down the street, and demand admission to their seats. Sixty-six gentlemen are present: the fifty-three members who are certified, and thirteen others who are wrongfully unseated by the Kellogg board. You profess to be a lawful House? we ask the Speaker. No, says Wiltz, in a decided tone; We claim to be a legal quorum ; but we call ourselves a caucus, not an assembly; for we mean to keep within the law, even in such things as words. While Kidd is urging the Conservatives to take a more decided course, a telegram is sent to Washington, asking Senator Thurman for advice. Thurman is a leading Democrat, sitting i
Tom Chester (search for this): chapter 8
are not allowed to vote. With an understanding of this nature, the Conservatives of. Louisiana would admit the Negro to political rights. You have no fear of educated votes? No fear at all; for educated men are never led by scalawags. Even now, the education tells. If all the Negroes were to pull together--ninety thousand against seventy-six thousand--they might elect Pinch for governor and have a strong majority in the Chambers. But we have educated negroes in Louisiana like Tom Chester, and educated Africans are no more likely to agree in politics than educated Anglo-Saxons. When a Negro learns to spell he sets up as a leader. He follows no one; least of all a man of his own colour. If a Negro owns a cabin and a patch of garden, he becomes Conservative and votes against the scalawags. A Conservative Negro Club exists in every parish in Louisiana; and in spite of Kellogg's promise that every Negro voting the Grant ticket shall have forty acres and a good mule, thousa
Philip Sheridan (search for this): chapter 8
enator, meeting us on the stairs, although we are banditti? No, we are not afraid. Some wag has gummed a caricature of Sheridan to the wall. The general is represented as a dog snapping at a Louisiana cavalry officer. Poor stuff, says the SenatorMinor, and in California. If Vasquez were able to read the papers, he would be pleased to find, on the authority of General Sheridan, that a good many of his brethren sit on the bench and practise at the bar. No one contests your claim to repres are giving the highest intellectual sanction to the general fury. Evarts, the ablest lawyer in America, is denouncing Sheridan and De Trobriand, in terms not often applied by lawyers to the lowest tools of a despotic power. The curses showered on power. The curses showered on Kellogg have a bitterness unequalled since the war. Should President Grant back down, repudiating Sheridan and letting Kellogg go, where, in such. a reign of anarchy, will the legal government of the State reside?
Sherman (search for this): chapter 8
mething higher to preserve than blind fidelity to a party flag. Senator Trimble is impressed as Colonel Morrow and the Congressional Sub-Committee are impressed. Morrow has now reported to General Emory, who has sent his statement on to General Sherman, that after wide and close enquiry in the counties lying on Red River he is convinced that, so far as relates to the United States, there is not the slightest disposition to oppose the general government, but that the opposition to the Stattoine cannot be put down.... The present State government cannot maintain itself in power a single hour without the protection of Federal troops. . . . The State government has not the confidence and respect of any portion of the community. General Sherman has sent these warnings on to Washington, marked by him with the significant words- for the personal perusal of General Grant. What say the Sub-Committee? Foster of Ohio, and Phelps of New Jersey, agree with Potter of New York, in a Repo
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