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ountry to subsist a large army. This involves, as a necessity, a continued and undisturbed rebel occupation of the plains and valleys of Virginia. Their Generals. From some of the Northern papers we take sketches of three of the Federal Generals, commencing with the unhappy. Brigadier-General Silas Casey. Brigadier-General Silas Casey commanded the advance division at the battle of Fair Oaks. --General Casey was born in Rhode Island about the year 1806; entered West Point in 1822; graduated in 1826, and entered the Seventh infantry; was promoted to First Lieutenant in June, 1836, and Captain in July, 1839. In the Florida war Captain Casey served with distinction under General Worth. He served also throughout the Mexican war, and added still further to his reputation for gallantry. At Contreras and Churubusco be distinguished himself, and received the braver of Major. At the assault on Chapuitepec he led the storming party, and was severely wounded. For this he re
ld accumulated in it, the effect on prices would be the same as it is in the case of paper money. And whilst it is true that the accumulation of gold in a country would affect prices just as the accumulation of a paper currency would and does affect them, it is equally true that though the currency is wholly of paper, yet if it is not greater in amount than is required for carrying on the business of the country, prices will be as moderate and stable as if it was gold. From 1796 down to 1822 specie payments were suspended in England; but until about 1810, we believe, the currency was not increased beyond the demands of the business of the country, and there was no depreciation of the currency. At that time the amount of the currency was increased, and it immediately began to depreciate. It is, then, a fact that the prices of property and labor are regulated by the currency. If there is more currency than the business of the country requires, prices will go up, and where th
as been suspended since that period, and the result is anything but complimentary to Gov. Brown's historical proficiency. Between 1689 and 1794, it had been suspended nine times. It was suspended throughout the British Isles in that year. In 1798 it was suspended in Ireland during the rebellion, and again in 1803, during the insurrection headed by Robert Emmett. During the remainder of George 3d's reign it was several times suspended in England, and again during the reign of George 4th in 1822. Gov. Brown surely recollects the commotions in Ireland, about fifteen years ago, and the suspension of the writ during the time of their continuance. Indeed, it is the first thing a Minister does when there is trouble in the country, and would no more affect the safety of the throne than any ordinary act of parliament. With regard to the law of last session nothing can be plainer than the power of Congress to pass it. That power is given by the Constitution in terms as plain and as unm
Yankee heirlooms. A just pride in the past is an incentive to virtue both in a family and a State. We are not speaking of the pride of noble descent, for that is a weakness which nations of the middle classes have no temptation to. When George the Fourth visited Edinburg in 1822, he was so struck with the quiet and respectful deportment of the Scottish multitude that he said, "This is a nation of gentlemen." Glorious old Christopher North, a great admirer of the King, spake as follows upon this observation: "His Majesty knows better than to satirize us. We are not a nation of gentlemen, thank Heaven; but the greater part of our population is vulgar, intelligent, high-cheeked, raw-boned, and religious." And yet no people have more pride, and more reason for pride, in the past than the Scotch. Pride in a virtuous and heroic ancestry, in the sturdy independence and incorruptible integrity which characterizes the humblest condition of humanity in that land; pride which finds a tong
but one to Napoleon's nephew, which is coming considerably nearer to Napoleon than most who lay claim to that title. For more than forty years Santa Anna has been a soldier, and among the many Generals of Mexico none have approached him in genius and energy. Maximilian, who has no doubt repeated of late that part of his studies which includes the New World, must be well acquainted with the brilliant and eccentric career of this military and political comet. Possibly he has not over looked the fact that the first Emperor of Mexico, Iturbide, was assisted to the throne in 1822 by Santa Anna, who served under him and had been his great friend. In one year after he had helped to put Iturbide in, he put him out. Maximilian is, perhaps, also aware that history sometimes repeats itself. That is his concern and not ours. The Southern Confederacy has no particular reason to care whether the "Napoleon of the West" or the Napoleon of the East finally pockets the stakes of Empire.
arging the privileges of the people.--The Holy Alliance held a congress at Gayback in 1827, in which they resolved that they had a right to interfere in the domestic concerns of other nations, and so to reform them, when they offered a bad example to their neighbors, as to suppress the example in question. The bad example was free government; and by reforming, they meant the entire suppression of freedom and the institution or restoration of despotism. At another congress, held at Verona in 1822, they resolved to apply this principle to Spain and to reform her back into the arms of Ferdinand. England dissented from this proposition; France, Austria, Russia and Prussia voting in favor of it. To France was entrusted the delicate mission; and Louis XVIII. sent his nephew, the Duke of Angouleme, the next spring, at the head of 100,000 men, to accomplish the object. It was accomplished with little difficulty; and Ferdinand had no sooner been restored than he appealed to the Allies in a
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