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listened to a brief farewell address from Mr. Tyler, and then adjourned. During the session, a delegate from Ohio, the venerable John C. Wright, then seventy-seven years of age, and nearly blind, died quite suddenly. His death occurred on the 13th, when his son, who had been, appointed Secretary to the Convention, returned to Ohio with the remains of his father, and J. H. Puleston served the Convention as Secretary during the remainder of the session. On the following day, one hundred guns any other course, it appears to us, unless all the positions of the Governor are false, the State must be disgraced. The South Carolinians were pacified by promises, and, as we shall observe, were gratified in their belligerent desires. On the 13th, John Gregg, one of the delegates from Texas. appeared The delegation was composed of Louis T. Wigfall, J. H. Reagan, J. Hemphill, T. N. Waul, John Gregg, W. S. Oldham, and W. B. Ochiltree. and took a seat in the Convention, although the Ordin
and stopping at the lower red space. In the center of the union a circle of white stars, corresponding in number with the States of the Confederacy. This was the flag under which the maddened hosts of that Confederacy rushed to The conspirators' flag. battle, at the beginning of the war that ensued. It was first displayed in public on the 4th of March, when it was unfurled over the State House at Montgomery. The first assumption of sovereignty on the part of the Convention was on the 12th, February, 1861. when it was resolved that the new Government should take under its charge all questions and difficulties then existing between the Sovereign States of this Confederacy and the Government of the United States, relating to the occupation of forts, arsenals, navy yards, and other public establishments. The President of the Convention was requested to communicate this resolution to the Governors of the several States. This was extremely offensive to the South Carolinians. The
ccepted the office to which he had been chosen, and made a speech to the Convention, acknowledging with gratitude the expression of their confidence in calling him to that high station. He was in an embarrassing position. His Union speeches in November and January See pages 54 to 57, inclusive. were yet ringing in the ears of the people, and his present attitude needed explanation. He thought it prudent not to attempt any explanation, and simply remarked: It is sufficient for me to say, that it may be deemed questionable if any good citizen can refuse to discharge any duty which may be assigned him by his country in her hour of need. At Milledgeville, in November, See page 54. Mr. Stephens's vision of his c country embraced the whole Republic, from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, and from the region of ice to the region of perpetual bloom, with a population of more than thirty millions. At Montgomery, in February--ninety dayslater — he saw his country dwarfed to the insig
January 22nd, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 10
o the residue by bayonets. --New York Tribune, November 7, 1860. When, in June, 1865, Alexander H. Stephens applied to President Johnson for pardon, he alleged that, among other reasons for espousing the cause of the rebellion, was the fact that the utterances of the Tribune, one of the most influential of the supporters of the Republican party, made him believe that the separation and independence of the Slave-labor States would be granted, and that there could be no war. On the 22d of January, 1861, Wendell Phillips, the great leader of the radical wing of the Anti-slavery party, in an address in Boston, on the Political lessons of the hour, declared himself to be a disunion man, and was glad to see South Carolina and other Slave-labor States had practically initiated a disunion movement. He hoped that all the Slave-labor States would leave the Union, and not stand upon the order of their going, but go at once. He denounced the compromise spirit manifested by Mr. Seward and Ch
January 23rd, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 10
in an address in Boston, on the Political lessons of the hour, declared himself to be a disunion man, and was glad to see South Carolina and other Slave-labor States had practically initiated a disunion movement. He hoped that all the Slave-labor States would leave the Union, and not stand upon the order of their going, but go at once. He denounced the compromise spirit manifested by Mr. Seward and Charles Francis Adams, with much severity of language.--Springfield (Mass.) Republican, January 23, 1861. and Lieutenant-General Scott, who knew what were the horrors Winfield Scott in 1865. of war, seems to have contemplated this alternative without dread. In a letter addressed to Governor Seward, on the day preceding Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, March 3, 1861. he suggested a limitation of the President's field of action in the premises to four measures, namely:--1st, to adopt the Crittenden Compromise; 2d, to collect duties outside of the ports of seceding States, or blockade them; 3
nsom, and John L. Bridges. They came only as commissioners from a State yet a part of the Federal Union, and had no right to appear as delegates. Their object was, according to instructions, See page 198. to effect an honorable and amicable adjustment of all the difficulties that distract the country, upon the basis of the Crittenden Resolutions, as modified by the Virginia Legislature. They soon perceived that their mission would be fruitless, and they returned to their homes. On the 7th a resolution was received by the Convention, from the Alabama Legislature, placing at the disposal of the Provisional Government of the Confederacy of the Seceding States the sum of five hundred thousand dollars as a loan, for the purpose of setting the machinery of the new government in motion. It was accepted with thanks. The preliminary measures for the formation of that provisional government had been taken. Mr. Memminger, Chairman of the Committee to report a plan, had submitted one.
Virginia model. Tennessee was willing to adjust all difficulties by the same process, but with enlarged franchises for the slaveholders; while Missouri instructed its delegates to endeavor to agree upon some plan for the preservation or reconstruction of the Union. Its delegates were always to be subordinate to the General Assembly or the State Convention of Missouri. The Convention was permanently organized by the appointment of John Tyler, of Virginia (once President of the Republic), 1841-1845. as the presiding officer, and Crafts J. Wright, of Ohio, son of one of the delegates from that State, as secretary. Mr. Tyler delivered a short address on taking the chair, in which he said:--The eyes of the whole country are turned to this assembly, in expectation and hope. I trust that you may prove yourselves worthy of the great occasion. Our ancestors probably committed a blunder in not having fixed upon every fifth decade for a call of a general convention to amend and reform th
May 2nd, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 10
s of the Government during the entire conflict. He was made President, as we have seen, of The American Society for the Promotion of National Union, immediately after the adjournment of the Peace Convention; See page 207. and he worked zealously for the promotion of measures that might satisfy the demands of the slaveholders. Before that most lamentable and pregnant error of the attack on Fort Sumter had been committed, says Professor Morse, in a letter to the author of these pages, May 2, 1864> which, indeed, inaugurated actual physical hostilities, and while war was confined to threatening and irritating words between the two sections of the country, there seemed to me to be two methods by which our sectional difficulties might be adjusted without bloodshed, which methods I thus stated in a paper drawn up at the time, when the project of a Flag for the Southern section was under discussion in the journals of the South:-- The first and most proper mode of adjusting those dif
d as a member of a Confederacy, and seemed inclined, at one time, to reject all leagues, and have their gallant State stand alone as an independent nation. The arrogance of the South Carolina politicians was sometimes gently rebuked by their friends. The Mobile Mercury, at this time, said:--They will have to learn to be a little more conforming to the opinions of others, before they can expect to associate comfortably with even the Cotton States, under a federative Government. On the sixth day of the session, February 9, 1861. the President of the Convention and all of the members took the oath of allegiance Jefferson Davis. to the Provisional Constitution, and at noon the doors of the hall were thrown open to the public, and the Convention proceeded to the election of a President and Vice-President of the Confederacy. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, received six votes (the whole number) for President, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, the same number, for Vice-Pres
February 4th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 10
r H. Stephens Vice-President of the Confederacy, 252. Stephens's speeches committees appointed, 253. action of the Convention concerning a flag for the Confederacy, 254. first assumption of Sovereignty South Carolinians offended, 256. Davis journeys to Montgomery his reception and inauguration, 257. Davis's Cabinet, 258. sketch of Davis and Stephens, 259.--Confederate Commissioners sent to Europe Stephens expounds the principles of the New Government, 260. On Monday, the 4th of February, 1861, the day on which Slidell and Benjamin left the Senate, a Convention known as the Peace Congress, or Conference, assembled in Willard's Hall, in Washington City, a large room in a building originally erected as a church edifice on F Street, and then attached to Willard's Hotel. This Convention, as we have observed, See page 194. was proposed by resolutions of the Virginia Legislature, passed on the 19th of January, 1861. and highly approved by the President of the Republic. Th
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