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June 21st, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 6
he amendment passed by only one majority, several of the Republican senators—Anthony, Howe, and Lane among them—voting against it. Feb. 27, 1863. Congressional Globe, p. 1328. It was concurred in by the House, and became part of the Act of March 3, 1863. At the session now under review, he carried the same amendment to two charters, succeeding after spirited contests by a small majority in each case,—defeated at one stage and prevailing at a later one. Feb. 10, 25, March 16, 17, June 21, 1864; Works, vol. VIII. pp. 103-117. The amendment was rejected, June 21, by fourteen to sixteen,—Foster, Grimes, Sherman, and Trumbull voting nay; but moved again by Sumner on the same day, it passed by a vote of seventeen to sixteen. The opposition of Saulsbury, Powell, and Willey abounded in ribaldry. Republican senators—Trumbull, Sherman, Doolittle, and Grimes, as well as Reverdy Johnson—contended that an express prohibition was superfluous, as the exclusion was already forbidden b
ho were conservative and experienced in financial matters. Fessenden, chairman of the Senate committee on finance, gave however his adhesion to the principle of State taxation in a proposition to allow the States to tax the market value of the shares. Sumner was very decided against subjecting the banks to State taxation, and proposed as a substitute a rate of taxation exclusively imposed by Congress. He entered earnestly into the debate on different days, April 26, 27, and 29; May 5 and 6. Works, vol. VIII. pp. 419436. maintaining that the exemption of the national banks from local taxation and interference was essential to the working of the new system and to the support of the public credit at a critical period. His amendment It was drawn by Mr. Chase. was lost; but he was supported by Chandler of Michigan, Conness, Howard, Lane of Indiana, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Wilkinson, and Wilson. Sumner received unstinted praise from Chandler, a banker by profession,
n. The bill was Sumner's own conception, drawn without conference with or suggestion from any one. It was not practicable to press it at the time, and at its author's suggestion it was laid on the table. His various labors kept him from calling it up. This earliest recognition of a needed reform, since a subject of agitation in Congress and among the people, found favor at the time with a few leading journals National Intelligencer, May 10; New York Times, May 10; New York Evening Post, May 7; New York Independent, June 9. and some advanced thinkers. Professor Joseph Henry, of the Smithsonian Institution, B. R. Wood, of Albany, and Dr. Lieber Lieber's Life and Letters, pp. 339, 345. wrote approving letters to the senator. Josiah Quincy, now at the age of ninety-two, within a few weeks of his death, and no longer able to use his pen, sent by his daughter's hand his hearty commendation of the measure. The Union League Club of New York appointed a committee to aid its passage.
September 18th, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 6
aims, the complete suppression of the rebellion and the complete extinction of slavery. Never, said he, was grander cause or sublimer conflict; never holier sacrifice. At Cooper Institute he was received with the same enthusiasm that had hitherto characterized his New York audiences. One incident of this address was a contrast between the mission of the Mayflower bound for Plymouth and that of the first slave-ship bound for Jamestown, This contrast appears in an earlier address, September 18, 1860. Works, vol. v. pp, 276-279. with an exposure of the pretension that Virginia was ennobled in her origin by cavalier colonists. He spoke in certain towns in Massachusetts, and also in Hartford and New London, Conn., where Mr. Winthrop made an address for McClellan, and in Newark, N. J.; but he declined calls from other States. The spirit and tone of his speeches in the autumn are indicated in these extracts from his letters to F. W. Ballard:— October 25: If I speak, it will b
June 26th, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 6
he liberties and rights of the colored people. Speaking at the next session in favor of Wilson's bill freeing colored soldiers and their families, he replied to Sherman, who desired to have it wait for action on the main proposition,—the constitutional amendment to abolish slavery,— the main proposition is to strike slavery wherever you can hit it. Jan. 5, 1865. Works, vol. IX. pp. 193-197. The bill became a law March 3, 1865. William Lloyd Garrison wrote to Sumner from Boston, June 26, 1864:— My sojourn in Washington was much to see you and some others to the extent I desired; but I wish to express to you my thanks for your very kind attentions, and the great pleasure I felt on seeing you in your seat in the Senate chamber,—a seat which you have filled with so much personal and historic credit to yourself, and which can have no better successor in the long hereafter. The part you have taken in consummating those great Congressional measures,—the recognition of the
February 19th, 1868 AD (search for this): chapter 6
to members of Congress, and declined to take it, Sumner moved and carried a rule of the Senate requiring senators to take this oath; he also introduced and carried a bill requiring it of attorneys appearing in the courts of the United States. As usual in such debates Sumner was reminded—this time by Hendricks and Garrett Davis Davis said, Jan. 13, 1864, that Sumner, when he took his oath, had treason in his heart and upon his lips. The same reminder came from Davis in the debate of Feb. 19, 1868, on the right of Philip F. Thomas to a seat in the Senate.—that he had been disloyal in his course upon the rendition of fugitive slaves; and he met the familiar thrust by distinguishing between refusing to play the part of a slave-hunter and joining in rebellion against his country. This session was signalized by the absolute repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act, which more than any other event had brought Sumner into public life, and which he had made ineffectual efforts to have repeale
February 29th (search for this): chapter 6
s favor, which reviewed the statutes and decisions of the slave States, noted the history of the exclusion of witnesses in other countries, and set forth the injustice and irrational character of a disability imposed on the ground of color. February 29, Works, vol. VIII. pp. 176-216. A few days before making the report he had advocated the inclusion of the prohibitory provision in a bill authorizing colored persons to carry the mails. February 26, 29, Congressional Globe, pp. 837, 838, 829, Congressional Globe, pp. 837, 838, 868. Failing to get his bill before the Senate, he moved it as an amendment to an appropriation bill, making a brief speech in its favor, and pressing it against the appeal of senators, who feared that any new impediment to the bill so late in the session would peril it. June 25, Works, vol. IX. pp. 39-46. Again his pertinacity prevailed, notwithstanding the reasonable objection that his amendment was not germane. He regarded this law, securing equality in the courts, as the most important o
September 6th (search for this): chapter 6
anish question. But I am lost in wonder at the perseverance of Lord Russell as a prophet of evil to the United States. He has a naivete in his avowals; witness that at the close of his speech of 27th of June. But we shall disappoint him. I thank you for your faith; but do not forget that we are fighting your battle here. Our triumph will help the liberal cause everywhere. Sumner made several popular addresses in the autumn of 1864,—one at Faneuil Hall on the national victories; September 6. Works, vol. IX. pp. 64-67. another at the same place in support of Mr. Lincoln's re-election; September 28. Works, vol. IX. pp. 68-82. another at Cooper Institute on the issues of the election; November 5. Works, vol. IX. pp. 83-133. and the last at Faneuil Hall on the evening of the election. November 5. Works, vol. IX. pp. 134-136. He put forward on these occasions, as patriotic aims, the complete suppression of the rebellion and the complete extinction of slavery. Ne
February 26th (search for this): chapter 6
y and freedmen, with an elaborate argument in its favor, which reviewed the statutes and decisions of the slave States, noted the history of the exclusion of witnesses in other countries, and set forth the injustice and irrational character of a disability imposed on the ground of color. February 29, Works, vol. VIII. pp. 176-216. A few days before making the report he had advocated the inclusion of the prohibitory provision in a bill authorizing colored persons to carry the mails. February 26, 29, Congressional Globe, pp. 837, 838, 868. Failing to get his bill before the Senate, he moved it as an amendment to an appropriation bill, making a brief speech in its favor, and pressing it against the appeal of senators, who feared that any new impediment to the bill so late in the session would peril it. June 25, Works, vol. IX. pp. 39-46. Again his pertinacity prevailed, notwithstanding the reasonable objection that his amendment was not germane. He regarded this law, securing
April 21st, 1869 AD (search for this): chapter 6
ission to and promotion in the civil service,—making merit and fitness the standard, to be determined by a board of examiners, and prohibiting removals except for good cause. Works, vol. VIII. pp. 452-457. He favored, Feb. 16, 1863, the discarding personal and political favoritism in the selection of midshipmen, and was one of only six senators who voted to limit the existing power of members of Congress to select them at will. (Works, vol. VII. pp. 301, 302.) Sumner took occasion, April 21, 1869 (Works, vol. XIII. pp. 94-97), to discredit any rule or practice for apportioning appointments among the States according to their population. The bill was Sumner's own conception, drawn without conference with or suggestion from any one. It was not practicable to press it at the time, and at its author's suggestion it was laid on the table. His various labors kept him from calling it up. This earliest recognition of a needed reform, since a subject of agitation in Congress and among
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