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Lydia Maria Child, Letters of Lydia Maria Child (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier, Wendell Phillips, Harriet Winslow Sewall) 12 0 Browse Search
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 7. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier) 12 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Margaret Fuller Ossoli 12 0 Browse Search
Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist 12 0 Browse Search
Elias Nason, The Life and Times of Charles Sumner: His Boyhood, Education and Public Career. 10 0 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 10 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 10 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: February 28, 1863., [Electronic resource] 10 0 Browse Search
Medford Historical Society Papers, Volume 10. 9 1 Browse Search
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana 8 0 Browse Search
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Analytical Index. A. Abingdon, Va., captured by Stoneman, 688. Ackworth, Ga., occupied by Sherman, 628. Adams, Hon. Charles F., remonstrates against the building of Southern war cruisers in England, 643. Adams, J. Q., on the SlaAdams, J. Q., on the Slave-Trade, 233-235. Adams, Gen. John, wounded at Stone River, 276; killed at Franklin, Tenn., 683. Adjutant-General's office, order from, discharging prisoners, 758. Alabama, expeditions into, 53, 72; rout of Gen. Bragg, 213; Rosecrans in coAdams, Gen. John, wounded at Stone River, 276; killed at Franklin, Tenn., 683. Adjutant-General's office, order from, discharging prisoners, 758. Alabama, expeditions into, 53, 72; rout of Gen. Bragg, 213; Rosecrans in command of, 222; the repossession of, 716; Wilson's raid through, 716. Alabama, steamer, details of her fight with the Kearsarge, 646 to 648. Albemarle, ram, destruction of the, 535. Alice Dean, steamboat, burned by Morgan, 405. Allatoona slaughter, Gen. J. E., routs Col. Barrett at Brazos, on the Rio Grande, 757. Slavery in War, 232; Patrick Henry, J. Q. Adams , Edmund Randolph, and others on, 233-6; Joshua R. Giddings and Gov. Seward on, 237; Mr. Lincoln on, 2:37; the West Po
Virginia, seconded the motion, and the company was broken up. We returned to the house, and Mr. Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania--a glorious patriot then, as now — introduced a resolution which temporarily calmed the excitement. After this John Quincy Adams introduced a petition said to be signed by four negroes of Fredericksburg. The Representative from that district proved it to be a hoax; that no such persons lived in that vicinity. But even this trifling hoax was seized upon as a pretextosition to Government, and giving evidence of sympathy with traitors. Mr. Thomas referred to the assistance rendered by the leading Whigs of 1832 to General Jackson, when South Carolina raised the nullification banner. Then Clay, Webster, and Adams, forgetting all that had induced them to oppose Jackson in his course toward the United States Bank, the National Road, and other prominent measures, readily rallied to his support. They knew the great distinction between the persons administeri
tures of ammunition and projectiles, while engaging the rebel forts and vessels of war, by this ship, August fifth, 1864. Shells, five sec., thirty; ten sec., six; fifteen sec., two; twenty sec., seven; percussion, thirty-two. Solid shots, eleven-inch, four; one-hundred-pounder, two; thirty-two-pounder, six; hollow shots, thirty-pounder, four. Powder, number seven cannon, three hundred and sixty-five pounds; ordinary powder, three hundred and fifty-four pounds. Very respectfully, John Q. Adams, Gunner. Commander Wm. E. Le Roy, Commanding. Report of Commander E. Donaldson. U. S. Steamer Seminole, Mobile Bay, Aug. 7, 1864. sir: In obedience to your order for passing the forts on the fifth instant, at half-past 5 A. M., we went alongside, and made fast on the port side of the Lackawanna, and took our designated station in the line, and am happy to say we had no casualties on board. The hull of the ship was not struck at all. One strand of the port mainstay was cut
nal unwillingness to interfere with the domestic institutions of the States and the relation between master and servant. Prudential considerations may have been veiled under conscientious scruples. Mr. Seward, in a confidential instruction to Mr. Adams, the Minister to Great Britain, on tenth March, 1862, said: If the Government of the United States should precipitately decree the immediate abolition of slavery, it would reinvigorate the declining insurrection in every part of the South. Sng out of the treaty of peace of 1814, and the proffered mediation of Russia, the principle was maintained by the United States that the emancipation of enemy's slaves is not among the acts of legitimate warfare. In the instructions from John Quincy Adams, as Secretary of State, to Mr: Middleton, at Saint Petersburgh, October eighteenth, 1820, it is said: The British have broadly asserted the right of emancipating slaves (private property) as a legitimate right of war. No such right is ackno
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 7. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Foreign recognition of the Confederacy — letter from Honorable James Lyons. (search)
d by its originators, the fanatics joining them and fanning the flame until Mr. Seward announced the irrepressible conflict. There were, in point of fact, very few sincere fanatics at that time, and those not at all among the politicians. John Quincy Adams, the ablest and most daring of the agitators, as well as the most vindictive, because he and his father had been curtailed of their fair proportions, as he thought, by not being elected to the Presidency for the second term, did not pretendhis ferocious declaration to Mr. Dillet, of Alabama, when he remonstrated against his abolition scheme, and said, The gentleman from Massachusetts does not reflect how much blood will be shed and how many lives lost if his scheme succeeds ; and Mr. Adams roared out at the top of his voice, Let it come, though millions be bathed in blood. Soon after Mr. Seward left the gubernatorial chair of New York, he went to Washington to argue a cause in the Supreme Court (he told me, I think, that it wa
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The concentration before Shiloh-reply to Captain Polk. (search)
f Shiloh at Richmond, February 4th, 1863, embodying in it his own version of his interview with Beauregard on the field of Shiloh. This recalls the declaration of Honorable John C. Calhoun, when in the Senate, the posthumous diary of ex-President John Quincy Adams was quoted by Senator Thomas H. Benton against him, that the diary might be accepted as evidence against the author--Mr. Adams--but was worthless as evidence against any other person! The question of the plucky old bishop's infallibiMr. Adams--but was worthless as evidence against any other person! The question of the plucky old bishop's infallibility belongs to the theologians. The local or objective point involved, when sharply drawn, is, who was responsible for the delay on the 5th day of April, 1862, in the formation of the line of battle on the field of Shiloh, which prevented an attack on the enemy on that day. Correlatively this involves, also, the emphatic inference that such delay precluded, for the want of time, a completed victory before General Buell's corps arrived on the field on Sunday evening, the 6th of April, 1862.
rpositions the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions their endorsement by the people in the presidential Elections of 1800 and ensuing terms South Carolina and Calhoun the Compromise of 1833 action of Massachusetts in 1843-45 opinions of John Quincy Adams necessity for secession. From the earliest period, it was foreseen by the wisest of our statesmen that a danger to the perpetuity of the Union would arise from the conflicting interests of different sections, and every effort was made t out of consideration the particular occasion that called them forth) my only doubt would be whether they do not express too decided a doctrine of nullification—may be added the avowal of one of the most distinguished sons of Massachusetts, John Quincy Adams, in his discourse before the New York Historical Society, in 1839: Nations acknowledge no judge between them upon earth; and their governments, from necessity, must, in their intercourse with each other, decide when the failure of one p
ed to the residue by bayonets. New York Tribune of November 9, 1860, quoted in The American Conflict, Vol. I, Chapt. XXIII, p. 359. The only liberty taken with this extract has been that of presenting certain parts of it in italics. Nothing that has ever been said by the author of this work, in the foregoing chapters, on the floor of the Senate, or elsewhere, more distinctly asserted the right of secession. Nothing that has been quoted from Hamilton, or Madison, or Marshall, or John Quincy Adams, more emphatically repudiates the claim of right to restrain or coerce a state in the exercise of its free choice. Nothing that has been said since the war which followed could furnish a more striking condemnation of its origin, prosecution, purposes, and results. A comparison of the sentiments above quoted, with the subsequent career of the party, of which that journal was and long had been the recognized organ, would exhibit a striking incongruity and inconsistency. The Tribune
onvention, 78. Ratification of Constitution, 91-92. Jersey plan, 91-92. New Mexico, 10. New York, 12. Fugitive slaves, 69. Commissioners to Annapolis, 76. Instructions to delegates to Constitutional convention, 79. Ratification of Constitution, 94-95, 124; amendments proposed, 94, 125. Property ceded to Federal government, 179. New York Herald. Remarks on right of secession, 219. Remarks on Confederate Constitution, 227. New York historical society. Address of John Quincy Adams, 162-63. New York Tribune, 48. Remarks on right of secession, 218-19. Nicholson letter, 32-33. Non-intervention (See Squatter sovereignty). North, Lord, 428. The, 27-28. Societies formed, 26. Territory acquired by Missouri compro-mise, 28. Abolition propaganda, 29. Government favors, 42. North Carolina. Instructions to delegates to Constitutional convention, 78-79. Ratification of Constitution, 90, 95-96, 108; amendment proposed, 125. Reply of Gov. Ellis
reaty; or any slaves or other private property. Persistent efforts were made to avoid the return of deported slaves, and it was attempted to put them in the category of artillery which had been removed before the exchange of ratification. John Quincy Adams, first as United States minister to England, and subsequently as United States Secretary of State, conducted with great vigor and earnestness a long correspondence to maintain the true construction of the treaty as recognizing and guarding ved, to return the former, but that the reasons did not apply to the latter, for, he proceeds to say, Private property, not having been subject to legitimate capture with the places, was not liable to the reason of limitation. In the same letter Adams writes: Merchant-vessels and effects captured on the high-seas are, by the laws of war between civilized nations, lawful prize, and by the capture become the property of the captors. . . . But, as by the same usage of civilized nations, private p