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United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
nd carried a resolution affirming that the United States would never recognize it in any way. Fetion, while testifying the sympathy of the United States with their officers and soldiers in prisone their constituents and the people of the United States for the blood of every single man who is mspirit, the obligations of citizens of the United States; and civil governments, if created on pape of propositions affirming the duty of the United States by Act of Congress to re-establish republiammered forth not safety, but dignity; the United States are safe enough. I have been pained by sete. It included the loyal citizens of the United States residing within the State. Tills paragrape, had ever done? I know you say that the United States, under military necessity, and to soften t It was a beautiful effort. While in the United States he mingled much with people, and I was alwheir meeting in Paris in 1857, visited the United States in 1864-1865. Their familiar intercourse [6 more...]
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 7
of the colored people; and Sumner himself regarded it as preparing the way for the full recognition of their rights as citizens and voters. Sumner reported from the committee on foreign relations, Dec. 20, 1864, a resolution for giving to Great Britain notice for the termination of the Canadian reciprocity treaty. His remarks in favor of the notice took into account chiefly the derangement to our war system of taxes, resulting from the treaty, and looked to a revision and suspension of thee one, with a mere reference to the others, would have sufficed. Pregnant as the quoted sentences were, the orator, in applying them to political rights, gave them a significance which was not in the mind of their author. He dwelt longer on Great Britain's recognition of rebel belligerency than was fitting on a commemorative occasion Mr. Bancroft's eulogy on Mr. Lincoln before Congress in February, 1866, set forth the shortcomings of England, France, and the Pope, to the discomfort of the
New Orleans (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
ings, and declaring that indifference will be treated as crime, and faction as treason. The orders had no warrant in any Act of Congress, and did not conform even to the statutes and constitution of the State existing before the rebellion. Senator Henderson said in debate, Feb. 24, 1865, while supporting a recognition of the Louisiana government, that he agreed that General Banks had no legal authority to do a great many things that he did. The vote was largely confined to the city of New Orleans; and out of sixty thousand voters in the State, less than eleven thousand and five hundred, including soldiers, voted for State officers, and only eight thousand and four hundred voted on the constitution, which was ratified September 5. Similar proceedings and elections took place contemporaneously in Arkansas under the lead and direction of military officers who received their orders immediately from the President. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. VIII. pp. 408-418. Sumn
Claremont (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 7
was the expression of the emperor's will. Montalembert, whom Sumner had met on his later visits to Paris, rejoiced in our successes, and expressed in his letters his admiration of Sumner's career. The Count of Paris, The count, who wrote English as perfectly as French, wrote to Sumner in French, saying that he did so because of Sumner's thorough knowledge of the language. whose connection with our army led to his History of the Civil War, wrote frequently and at length. Writing from Claremont, Nov. 8, 1863, he testified his sympathy for the liberal and national cause, and counted his conversations with the senator as among the most valued recollections of his sojourn in America. Sumner wrote to Richard Gordon, April 9, 1863:— I am sad to think of your poor father's death. I was hoping soon for another letter from him, when your communication told the melancholy tidings. And so another of my Montpellier friends has dropped away. I took a great interest, you may remembe
Tennessee (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
865, which declared that the eleven rebel States, including Virginia, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee, were in such a condition at the time of the national election, Nov. 8, 1864, that no valid elns then engrossing the public mind. In the spring of 1862 he appointed military governors for Tennessee, North Carolina, Arkansas, and Louisiana, only sections of each of which were as yet within ouof his own life was ended. In another interview the President's unwillingness to interfere in Tennessee for impartial suffrage—saying that he would do so if he were at Nashville—disturbed Sumner; be other Southern States, and affirming the validity of the proceedings which had been taken in Tennessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas. The change of mind which the President underwent during the last , distinguished for his services for the colored people, who had while raising negro troops in Tennessee become acquainted with Mr. Johnson, was at this time his apologist. New York Tribune, October
Edgefield (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
no difference between us; you and I are alike. Sumner expressed his joy and gratitude that the President had taken this position, and that as a consequence there would be no division in the Union party; and the President replied, I mean to keep you all together. As he walked away that evening, Sumner felt that the battle of his own life was ended. In another interview the President's unwillingness to interfere in Tennessee for impartial suffrage—saying that he would do so if he were at Nashville—disturbed Sumner; but the senator suspected no change of front, attributing the hesitation to unnecessary caution rather than to infidelity. Sumner's Address. Oct. 2, 1866. Works, vol. XI. p. 21. Just before leaving Washington, Sumner had a final interview with the President, in which the latter's manner and expressions remained the same. The senator apologizing for his repetition of views expressed in former meetings, Mr. Johnson said pleasantly, and with a smile, Have I not always
Hampton Roads (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
tters will be welcome. To Mr. Bright, February 15, 1865:— I am glad of your assurance, in harmony with Mr. Cobden's, that intervention is played out. I am glad also of your speech. It amuses me to read the criticisms, which I can appreciate at their value, as I have been exposed to the same. For years it was said I was governed by hatred for the slave-masters, and did not care at all for the slaves. Oh, no! not at all. You will read the report of the conferences. At Hampton Roads, February 3, between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward on the one side, and Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell on the other. It appears that the President was drawn into them by the assurances of General Grant, who was led to expect something. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. x. p. 127. Perhaps the country sees now more clearly than ever that the war must be pushed to the entire overthrow of the rebel armies. The interview was pleasant. Seward sent the commissioners on their arrival th
Brazil, Clay County, Indiana (Indiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
rn out senators physically, and secured a postponement. Sumner kept out of the debate, and the credentials were referred, but no further action was taken. He wrote to Mrs. L. M. Child, April 2:— I trust that the letter to the emperor of Brazil, with the excellent tract, Mrs. Child's pamphlet, The Right Way the Safe Way. is already far on the way. I gave them to the Brazilian minister here, with the request that he would have the goodness to forward them. I count much upon the enlig French arms investigation, as also in his speech February 28 of that year (Works, vol. XV. p. 9), spoke of the studies and eminent connections of the marquis. He died in New York in 1891. Agassiz sailed in April, 1865, on his expedition to Brazil and the Amazon. Sumner entered heartily into the plans of the great naturalist. He wrote to him a God-speed March 20, 1865. Life of Agassiz, by E. C. Agassiz, vol. II. p. 634. just before he sailed, and received letters in return in which A
Michigan (Michigan, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
inflicted by Union officers and soldiers who had suffered in such prisons. Sumner encountered the resolutions to that end, which had been reported by Howard of Michigan from the committee on military affairs, with a series of propositions, in which, while recognizing retaliation as an admitted right under the laws of war, he insdpoint, opposed the resolution. A motion from Chandler to take up another bill, which was lost, called from Sumner the remark, The measure that the senator from Michigan has in charge is a reality; the measure that the senator from Illinois has in charge is a shadow. Doolittle thought it unbecoming in Sumner, with all his profesilson, Fessenden, who had an interview with the President early in September, expressed the same view to Wilson. E. D. Morgan, Morrill of Maine, and Howard of Michigan were disposed to hope for the best, and to make the best of the situation, and advised a conciliatory treatment of the President. Thaddeus Stevens, Henry Winte
Rochdale (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 7
blic confidence; but there is an impression that sooner or later there will be a change. Among the aspirants is General Butler. He cannot be expected to succeed so long as Mr. Adams is in London, as they are both from Massachusetts. Our people continue to be moved. They are now thronging the streets to visit the remains of the late President, at the Executive Mansion. This letter, written as soon as tidings of the assassination reached England, was received from Mr. Bright:— Rochdale, April 29, 1865. dear Mr. Sumner—How can I write to you, and what can I say For fifty years, I think, no other event has created such a sensation in this country as the great crime which has robbed you of your President. The whole people positively mourn, and it would seem as if again we were one nation with you, so universal is the grief and the horror at the deed of which Washington has been the scene. I have had a month of extraordinary suffering—the death of Mr. Cobden; then the de<
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