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Providence, R. I. (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
and the wisest counsels of our best and purest men are wholly disregarded. In this, the hour of our calamity and peril, to whom shall we resort for relief but to the God of our Fathers? His omnipotent arm only can save us from the awful effects of our own crimes and follies — our own ingratitude and guilt toward our Heavenly Father. He then recommended a union of the people in bowing in humility before God, and said, in words not only of faith, but of remarkable prophecy:--An Omnipotent Providence may overrule existing evils for permanent good. The Proclamation, in sentiment and expression, was all that Christian men could ask, of its kind; but lovers of righteousness thought that a better formula might have been framed, considering the social condition of the nation, after pondering the following words in the fifty-eighth chapter of Isaiah, beginning at the third verse:-- Wherefore have we fasted, say they, and thou seest not? Wherefore have we afflicted our soul, and thou
Mississippi (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
y. Wigfall, of Texas, said he could not understand it; and, at a later period, January 10, 1861. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, said in the Senate, that it had all the characteristics of a diplomatic paper, for diplomacy is said to abhor certain be conciliated nor comforted. I command the Eastern Department, which includes South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. You know me well. I have ever been a firm, decided, faithful, and devoted friend of my country. If I can aid the P was, that the Union could not be saved by eulogies upon it. Senators Alfred Iverson, of Georgia, Albert G. Brown, of Mississippi, and Louis T. Wigfall, of Texas, followed. They had been stirred with anger by stinging words from Senator Hale, of Nly of roaring lions As maids of thirteen do of puppy-dogs, did not seem to agree with the cautious, wily, and polished Mississippi Senator. Louis T. Wigfall. After declaring that State after State would soon leave the Union, and that, so far a
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 3
d on the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States. He then touched upon the provocations en to leave the whole business of arrests to United States officers. The law in New Hampshire provy of becoming slave-catchers by command of United States officers. The law in Vermont provided, d fugitive slave from the State, excepting United States officers. It also ordered that the privile. And no officer of the State, acting as United States commissioner, was allowed to issue any war perform the functions of a Senator of the United States. Before a declaration of war is made agaiEurope, and those of the Free-labor States in America, with their five millions of spindles, were, o the country, The Cotton kingdom in the United States. not through Boston, and New York, ahe total value of these productions of the United States exported to foreign countries, for the yeaof the treaty which makes her one of these United States. Having revoked that ratification, she wi[5 more...]
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
of any person by force out of the State; and provided that no public officer should officially aid the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, and denied the use of the jails for that purpose. New York took no action on the subject; neither did New Jersey or Pennsylvania. Their statute-books had laws already therein relating to slavery. The law in Michigan secured to the person arrested the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, a trial by jury, and the employment of the State's Attorney asgenerally to the poor, and to turn their whole hearts in all humility to God. Pastoral Letter to the Roman Catholic Clergy of the Diocese of Hartford, December 14, 1860. More than forty leading clergymen of various denominations in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania united in sending forth January 1, 1861. a circular letter, in the form of an appeal to the churches, in which they said:--We cannot doubt that a spirit of candor and forbearance, such as our religion prompts, and the exigenc
Europe (search for this): chapter 3
tion and exposition of the false theories of religion, philanthropy, and political economy, which embarrassed the fathers in their day. . , . At the North, and in Europe, they cried havoc, and let loose upon us all the dogs of war. And how stands it now? Why, in this very quarter of a century, our slaves have doubled in numbers, et not so absolutely omnipotent as the conspirators believed it to be. So palpable was its commercial importance, however, and so evident was it that the mills of Europe, and those of the Free-labor States in America, with their five millions of spindles, were, and must continue to be, mostly dependent upon the product of only an med:--I say that Cotton is King, and that he waves his scepter, not only over these thirty-three States, but over the Island of Great Britain and over Continental Europe; and that there is no crowned head upon that island, or upon the continent, that does not bend the knee in fealty, and acknowledge allegiance to that monarch. Th
Barnwell Court House (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
gnant as it has been. Nay, we have solved already the question of Emancipation, by this re-examination and exposition of the false theories of religion, philanthropy, and political economy, which embarrassed the fathers in their day. . , . At the North, and in Europe, they cried havoc, and let loose upon us all the dogs of war. And how stands it now? Why, in this very quarter of a century, our slaves have doubled in numbers, and each slave has More than doubled in value. --Speech at Barnwell Court House, Oct. 27, 1858. In July 1859, Alexander H. Stephens, in a speech in Georgia, said he was not one of those who believed that the South had sustained any injury by those agitations. So far, he said, from the institution of African Slavery in our section being weakened or rendered less secure by the discussion, my deliberate judgment is, that it has been greatly strengthened and fortified. Senator R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, said, in 1860:--In many respects, the results of that
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
or process, under the Fugitive Slave Law, and that no person should assist in the removal of an alleged fugitive slave from the State, excepting United States officers. It also ordered that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, and a trial of facts by a jury, should be given to the alleged fugitive, with the State's Attorney as counsel; and also that any person coming into the State a slave, shall be forever free. This was a nullification of the Fugitive Slave Law. The law in Massachusetts provided for trials by jury of alleged fugitive slaves, who might have the services of any attorney. It forbade the issuing of any process, under the Fugitive Slave Law, by any legal officer in the State, or to do any official act in furtherance of the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793, or that of 1850. It forbade the use of any prisons in the State for the same purpose. All public officers were forbidden to arrest, or assist in arresting, any alleged fugitive slave. And no
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
tate's Attorney as counsel for the prisoners. It denied the use of the jails of the State for the purposes contemplated in the Fugitive Slave Law, and imposed a heavy penalty for the arrest of a free colored person as an alleged fugitive slave. The law in Wisconsin was substantially the same as that in Michigan, with an additional clause for the protection of its citizens from any penalties incurred by a refusal to aid or obey the Fugitive Slave Law. Iowa, Ohio, Illinois, Minnesota, California, and Oregon, made no laws on the subject. It is worthy of note, in this connection, that the statute-books of every Slave-labor State in the Union contained, at that time, Personal Liberty Acts, all of them as much in opposition to the letter and spirit of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 as any act passed by the Legislatures of Free-labor States. Some of them had penalties more severe. All of them provided for the use of law by the alleged slave; most of them gave him a trial by jury; a
Spottsylvania (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
e allies of the cotton-growers, in the event of war. Cotton is King! echoed back submissively the spindles of Old and New England. a Old Cotton will pleasantly reign When other kings painfully fall, And ever and ever remain The mightiest monarch of all, sang an American bard The late George P. Morris, whose son, Brigadier-General William H. Morris, gallantly fought some of the Cotton-lords and their followers on the Peninsula, in the Wilderness, and in the open fields of Spottsylvania, in Virginia, where he was wounded. years before; and now, a Senator (Wigfall) of the Republic, with words of treason falling from his lips, like jagged hail, in the very sanctuary where loyalty should be adored exclaimed:--I say that Cotton is King, and that he waves his scepter, not only over these thirty-three States, but over the Island of Great Britain and over Continental Europe; and that there is no crowned head upon that island, or upon the continent, that does not bend the knee in feal
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 3
be a too near imitation of the practice of the monarchs of England in thus opening the sessions of Parliament in person. At ts the cotton crop of the planting coast States, upon which England, France, and the States north of the Potomac, chiefly depethe preservation of peace between the United States and Great Britain, because of the commanding influence of the commercial endent empire; for they believed that his scepter had made England and France their dependents, and that they must necessaril over these thirty-three States, but over the Island of Great Britain and over Continental Europe; and that there is no crown to that monarch. There are five millions of people in Great Britain who live upon cotton. You may make a short crop of grans, and exhaust the supply of cotton for one week, and all England is starving. Then referring to threats of war, and expect00 pounds each, were raised in 1859-60. Of this amount Great Britain took 2,019,252 bales, or more than one-third of the. en
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