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October 30th (search for this): chapter 7
ovember 26. The call was signed by some thousands of names, largely those of merchants and tradesmen. It bore also the signatures of Webster and Everett, and of the historians Motley and Parkman. A similar meeting at Castle Garden, New York, October 30, was addressed by the leaders of the bar of that city,—Wood, O'Conor, Hoffman, Brady, and Evarts. As to Evarts's support of the Fugitive Slave law, see Adams's Biography of Dana, p. 176. was addressed by B. R. Curtis and Choate; and the Comprthe Legislature, led by Samuel hoar, R. H. Dana, Jr., and Anson Burlingame. It proved ineffective against the strong current in favor of union. will jeopard Palfrey's position and our whole movement. I wash my hands of it. To Horace Mann, October 30:— The enemy has done his work, by skill, determination, will, backbone. Mann's loss of a renomination to Congress in the Whig convention of his district. It is as I have feared. On your account and for your personal comfort, I regret
October 29th (search for this): chapter 7
atment of all who dissented from Webster. Its leaders were mostly written by George S. Hillard and George Lunt. These two journals teemed with elaborate defences of the Compromise and the Fugitive Slave Act from Edward G. Loring, G. T. and B. R. Curtis. Two other leaders of the bar, conservative in position, gave the weight of their names against the law,—Charles G. Loring and Franklin Dexter; the former as counsel in the Sims' Case, and the latter by papers contributed to the Atlas, October 29 and November 23, each maintaining that it was unconstitutional. There was even pressure brought to bear against Mr. Loring for his serving as counsel for a fugitive slave, to which he refers in a note to Sumner, April 24, 1851: It is among the most humiliating indications of the times that the merely faithful discharge of a plain professional duty is made the subject of regret and reproach by the intellectual and intelligent, as well as by those who might not be expected to know better, t
March 19th (search for this): chapter 7
olunteered to withdraw; but the general conviction was that a change of candidates would distract the united forces and give the Democrats who were reluctant to support a Free Soiler an excuse for escaping altogether from their pledges. So again it was decided to stand firm. The Free Soil members in caucus, march 17, passed a resolution that they would present no other alternative than their present candidate. Their organ, the Commonwealth, was equally explicit and peremptory; March 18, 19, 20, 31. and it answered the Times's publication of the Faneuil Hall speech by reprinting it in full in its own columns, approving it in all respects as stating the doctrines of the party and of its candidate. But with all this exhibition of pluck, and while still rallying their forces, they had at the beginning of April little hope of success. On the second day of that month the vote outside of those given for Sumner and Winthrop rose to thirty-five, and the former lacked nine votes of an e
1801 AD (search for this): chapter 7
that subject you have no secrets to communicate to me; your purposes and wishes have been transparent. It is not difficult for me to appreciate your repugnance to political life. Palfrey, who was very unfriendly to the cooperation of the Free Soilers with the Democrats, nevertheless expressly acquitted Sumner of all selfish ends,—saying in a letter, February 25: No one acquainted with your course in this matter can ever say that it has not been most high and honorable. Stephen C. Philips 1801-1857—and no finer character distinguishes this period—naturally felt, after being the head of the Free Soil State ticket, a sense of disappointment that he had not been selected as the candidate for senator. He wrote Sumner pathetically, just after the nomination was made: I acquit you of all unfriendly intentions or acts. I rejoice in the conviction that this, while it is the severest, is the last of my political trials; and though it is far from being such a close of a public career as is<
February 7th, 1851 AD (search for this): chapter 7
ential letters to intimate friends, and bear the marks of entire sincerity. Commonwealth, Jan. 18, 1851. If after an interval of nearly half a century some critics, more familiar with modern struggles for place than with the earlier contests for principle, have fancied that these disclaimers covered a latent ambition, their suggestions are only imaginings which are without evidence, and against the judgment of his contemporaries who knew him well. Charles Allen wrote from Washington, Feb. 7, 1851: I need no declaration from you that you did not seek nor desire political office. On that subject you have no secrets to communicate to me; your purposes and wishes have been transparent. It is not difficult for me to appreciate your repugnance to political life. Palfrey, who was very unfriendly to the cooperation of the Free Soilers with the Democrats, nevertheless expressly acquitted Sumner of all selfish ends,—saying in a letter, February 25: No one acquainted with your course in t
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