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f gratitude never to be effaced as long as they shall deserve the title of a just and generous people. On reaching America Paine found that the sense of gratitude had been effaced. He found that the Federalists hated him with all their hearts be of the Bible—because he had said that a being of infinite goodness and purity did not establish slavery and polygamy. Paine had insisted that men had the right to think for themselves. This so enraged the average American citizen that he longed but all kinds of Christians had the right, and it was their duty, to brand, imprison and kill infidels of every kind. Paine had been guilty of thinking for himself and giving his conclusions to the world without having asked the consent of a pri should think for himself. While some believed in the freedom of religion, he believed in the religion of freedom. If Paine had been a hypocrite, if he had concealed his opinions, if he had defended slavery with quotations from the sacred script
of the government (meaning Massachusetts), or of any other upon this continent, separately or collectively, to set up for independence. And in the same year Benjamin Franklin assured Chatham that no one in America was in favor of separation. As a matter of fact, the people of the colonies wanted a redress of their grievances—theyruggling colonies from France. According to Lamartine, the King, Louis XVI., loaded Paine with favors, and a gift of six millions was confided into the hands of Franklin and Paine. On Aug. 25, 1781, Paine reached Boston, bringing 2,500,000 livres in silver, and in convoy a ship laden with clothing and military stores. In Noveld, was written in the presence of the scaffold, when the writer believed he was giving his last message to his fellowmen. The Age of reason was his crime. Franklin, Jefferson, Sumner and Lincoln, the four greatest statesmen that America has produced, were believers in the creed of Thomas Paine. The Universalists and Unit
ands of Franklin and Paine. On Aug. 25, 1781, Paine reached Boston, bringing 2,500,000 livres in silver, and in convoy a ship laden with clothing and military stores. In November, 1779, Paine was elected clerk to the General Assembly of Pennsylvania. In 1780, the Assembly received a letter from General Washington in the field, saying that he feared the distresses in the army would lead to mutiny in the ranks. This letter was read by Paine to the Assembly. He immediately wrote to Blair McClenaghan, a Philadelphia merchant, explaining the urgency, and enclosing $500, the amount of salary due him as clerk, as his contribution towards a relief fund. The merchant called a meeting the next day, and read Paine's letter. A subscription list was immediately circulated, and in a short time about $1,500,000 was raised. With this capital the Pennsylvania Bank—afterwards the Bank of North America—was established for the relief of the army. In 1783 Paine wrote a memorial to Chancellor
nd the one who defended him was instantly attacked, silenced, or destroyed. At last his life has been written by Moncure D. Conway, and the real history of Thomas Paine, of what he attempted and accomplished, of what he taught and suffered, has bigently, truthfully, and candidly given to the world. Henceforth the slanderer will be without excuse. He who reads Mr. Conway's pages will find that Thomas Paine was more than a patriot; that he was a philanthropist— a lover not only of his counbable advantages thereof. In this pamphlet he pleads for a supreme nationality absorbing all cherished sovereignties. Mr. Conway calls this pamphlet Paine's Farewell address, and gives the following extract: It was the cause of America that mhe kings answered the arguments of Paine with laws, the priests with lies. Kings appealed to force, priests to fraud. Mr. Conway has written in regard to the Age of reason the most impressive and the most interesting chapter in his book. Paine con
rstition from the heart of man. A few civilized men agreed with him then, and the world has progressed since 1809. Intellectual wealth has accumulated; vast mental estates have been left to the world. Geologists have forced secrets from the rocks, astronomers from the stars, historians from old records and lost languages. In every direction the thinker and the investigator have ventured and explored, and even the pews have begun to ask questions of the pulpits. Humboldt has lived, and Darwin and Haeckel and Huxley, and the armies led by them, have changed the thought of the world. The churches of 1809 could not be the friends of Thomas Paine. No church asserting that belief is necessary to salvation ever was, or ever will be, the champion of true liberty. A church founded on slavery—that is to say, on blind obedience, worshipping irresponsible and arbitrary power—must of necessity be the enemy of human freedom. The orthodox churches are now anxious to save the little tha
above all men, Law. The first part of the Age of reason was written in the shadow of a prison, the second part in the gloom of death. From that shadow, from that gloom, came a flood of light. This testament, by which the wealth of a marvellous brain, the love of a great and heroic heart were given to the world, was written in the presence of the scaffold, when the writer believed he was giving his last message to his fellowmen. The Age of reason was his crime. Franklin, Jefferson, Sumner and Lincoln, the four greatest statesmen that America has produced, were believers in the creed of Thomas Paine. The Universalists and Unitarians have fund their best weapons, their best arguments, in the Age of reason. Slowly, but surely, the churches are adopting not only the arguments, but the opinions, of the great Reformer. Theodore Parker attacked the Old Testament and Calvinistic theology with the same weapons and with a bitterness excelled by no man who has expressed his thoug
rious Union, and he was the first to write these words: The United States of America. In May, 1775, Washington said: If you ever hear of me joining in any such measure (as separation from Great Britain) you have my leave to set me down for everything wicked. He had also said: It is not the wish or interest of the government (meaning Massachusetts), or of any other upon this continent, separately or collectively, to set up for independence. And in the same year Benjamin Franklin assured Chatham that no one in America was in favor of separation. As a matter of fact, the people of the colonies wanted a redress of their grievances—they were not dreaming of separation, of independence. In 1775 Paine wrote the pamphlet known as Common sense. This was published on Jan. 10, 1776. It was the first appeal for independence, the first cry for national life, for absolute separation. No pamphlet, no book, ever kindled such a sudden conflagration—a purifying flame, in which the prejudice
Men, and above all men, Law. The first part of the Age of reason was written in the shadow of a prison, the second part in the gloom of death. From that shadow, from that gloom, came a flood of light. This testament, by which the wealth of a marvellous brain, the love of a great and heroic heart were given to the world, was written in the presence of the scaffold, when the writer believed he was giving his last message to his fellowmen. The Age of reason was his crime. Franklin, Jefferson, Sumner and Lincoln, the four greatest statesmen that America has produced, were believers in the creed of Thomas Paine. The Universalists and Unitarians have fund their best weapons, their best arguments, in the Age of reason. Slowly, but surely, the churches are adopting not only the arguments, but the opinions, of the great Reformer. Theodore Parker attacked the Old Testament and Calvinistic theology with the same weapons and with a bitterness excelled by no man who has expressed
ined the following memorable sentence: Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine marched down the halls of the American Congress and threw his shining lances full and fair against the brazen forehead of every defamer of his country and maligner of its honor. He was conspicuously active in the Presidential campaigns of 1876 and 1880, and had it not been for his Robert Green Ingersoll. pronounced agnostic views he would have been honored with high official preferment. In 1882 he settled in New York City, and engaged in law practice till his death, July 21, 1899. He was a man of rare personal attractions; an orator of exceptional brilliancy. His generosity was unbounded. Among his lectures, which had gained him wide popularity, the most characteristic were: Some mistakes of Moses; The family; The liberty of man, woman, and child; The Gods; and Ghosts. His publications included: Lectures complete; and Great speeches. Thomas Paine.—The following is Colonel Ing
torney-general of Illinois. In 1876, at the Republican National Convention, he nominated James G. Blaine for the Presidency in a speech which contained the following memorable sentence: Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine marched down the halls of the American Congress and threw his shining lances full and fair against the brazen forehead of every defamer of his country and maligner of its honor. He was conspicuously active in the Presidential campaigns of 1876 and 1880, and had it not been for his Robert Green Ingersoll. pronounced agnostic views he would have been honored with high official preferment. In 1882 he settled in New York City, and engaged in law practice till his death, July 21, 1899. He was a man of rare personal attractions; an orator of exceptional brilliancy. His generosity was unbounded. Among his lectures, which had gained him wide popularity, the most characteristic were: Some mistakes of Moses; The family; The liberty of man, woma
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