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Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
s and representatives who were in Washington met at noon on Monday, the 17th, and after the choice of a chairman and secretary, and a statement by Senator Foot of Vermont, Sumner moved a committee of five to report at four in the afternoon the action proper for the meeting. The committee (Sumner chairman) reported a list of pall-b freedmen to the suffrage. Sherman, speaking at Circleville, O., June 10, showed himself friendly to negro suffrage (New York Tribune, June 14), and Morrill of Vermont spoke in favor of it before the Republican convention of that State. But on the other hand Dawes of Massachusetts, already a leader in that body, in an address tocommittee had already in July issued an Address for equal suffrage in reconstruction. New York Tribune, July 25. A similar ground was taken by the Republicans of Vermont, Iowa, and Minnesota; but generally Republican State conventions shrank from an explicit declaration. Notwithstanding the prudent reserve of politicians, there w
Montpellier (France) (search for this): chapter 7
mner's French correspondents during the war–Circourt, Henri Martin, Laboulaye, Augustin Cochin, Laugel, Montalembert, the Count of Paris, and his old friends at Montpellier, the family Martins-Gordon—were all friendly to our country as well as opponents of the second empire. Circourt, Martin, and Cochin were friends of George Suto think of your poor father's death. I was hoping soon for another letter from him, when your communication told the melancholy tidings. And so another of my Montpellier friends has dropped away. I took a great interest, you may remember, in M. Renouvier; but I have heard only of his death, and nothing more. He had several worer was an episode in contrast with all before and after. As I think of myself on those benches, a listener, it seems like a fable. But I should like a day for Montpellier, to visit again its library, its collection of pictures, its walls, its streets, and especially a few friends. It seems to me I should enjoy it now more than e
North Carolina (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
he appointed military governors for Tennessee, North Carolina, Arkansas, and Louisiana, only sections of eache chief-justice started yesterday on a visit to North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, and New Orleans, and President Johnson Colonel Baker's letter, Of North Carolina, late a Confederate officer. with your introducat essential. Stanton's draft, now confined to North Carolina, was considered in the Cabinet May 9, when it af Southern leaders in Mississippi, Georgia, and North Carolina. Thaddens Stevens wrote, May 10, with alarm atribing in detail a method of reconstruction for North Carolina, including a constitutional convention, and con whom the President showed his proclamation for North Carolina before it was issued, urged him to modify it soohnson's proclamation for the reorganization of North Carolina, excluding the colored persons. This is madnesately followed the President's proclamation for North Carolina. Another opportunity occurred September 14, wh
Providence, R. I. (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
dictating conditions of suffrage to the returning States. Harlan thought the triumph of the President's plan inevitable, and counselled trust in an overruling Providence, adding, I know the potency of your great idea of the duty of a statesman to create rather than to be controlled by circumstances; but this creation requires tile must apply to the whites as well as to the blacks. Now, you cannot get votes of Congress to disfranchise, which you must do in imposing this qualification. Providence has so arranged it that the work shall be done completely, because it must be done. Besides, there are very intelligent persons, especially among the freedmen,South would not have been recalcitrant. As it is, all for the present is uncertain. Controversy is certain; division probable. But I still trust to that good Providence which has conducted us thus far safely. Meanwhile we must work. My, speech [September 14] was received with perfect harmony and assent. Perhaps I never befor
Nahant (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
before he sailed, and received letters in return in which Agassiz gave an account of his researches. June 21, 1865. and Dec. 26, 1865, the latter printed in Agassiz's Life, p. 635. In the summer of 1865, Mr. and Mrs. William W. Story, long residents in Rome, were visiting relatives in Boston. It was pleasant for Sumner to meet again his old friends. He saw much of Story at dinners at the Saturday Club and on other days, and in drives in the suburbs of the city. Sumner always reverted with tenderness to old fellowships, and in intercourse with the son he revived the memories of the father. He kept up his interest in Story's work as a sculptor, and art as well as life in Italy were refreshing topics of conversation. In the summer and autumn Sumner had his usual reunions with Longfellow at Nahant and Cambridge. One was a dinner at the Craigie House, where Burlingame, Palfrey, and Dana, all original Free-Soilers, assisted. Longfellow's Life, vol. II. pp. 424, 425, 429.
Maine (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
l and sheltered him at the house of Mr. Blair. Hinc amicitia! Sumner's correspondence at the time discloses little sympathy with his steadfast support of colored suffrage against the President's plan. Members of Congress were confused by events. Conness did not see how impartial suffrage, although he believed in it, could be imposed by Congress. Wilson, Fessenden, who had an interview with the President early in September, expressed the same view to Wilson. E. D. Morgan, Morrill of Maine, and Howard of Michigan were disposed to hope for the best, and to make the best of the situation, and advised a conciliatory treatment of the President. Thaddeus Stevens, Henry Winter Davis, and Wade Howard and Wade ascribed the present difficulty to President Lincoln's course on the reconstruction bill in 1864, and thought that his action was in substance the same as his successor's. took a cheerless view of the political prospect, and saw small chance of success against Executive inf
City Point (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
its last stage. The President left Washington by boat on the Potomac, Thursday, March 23, for City Point, the headquarters of the army of Virginia, and did not return to Washington till Sunday eveniner, Mr. Lincoln behind, and as soon as she arrived invited Sumner to join her on her return to City Point. The next morning she sent him from the Executive Mansion the tidings of the evacuation of Riey heard by telegraph of Mr. Seward's serious injury received in a fall from his carriage. At City Point, where they arrived about noon on the 6th, they found Mr. Lincoln. This was the day when throm the boat, but Richmond lying in darkness. The next morning (Friday) the party returned to City Point, and (the President joining them) they went to Petersburg, going and returning by rail, and on Saturday visited the tent hospitals at City Point, where the President shook hands with five thousand sick and wounded soldiers, saying to Sumner that his arm was not tired. Works, vol. IX. p. 4
Cuba, N. Y. (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
wrote to Mrs. L. M. Child, April 2:— I trust that the letter to the emperor of Brazil, with the excellent tract, Mrs. Child's pamphlet, The Right Way the Safe Way. is already far on the way. I gave them to the Brazilian minister here, with the request that he would have the goodness to forward them. I count much upon the enlightened character of the emperor. Of course, slavery must cease everywhere when it ceases among us. Its neck is in our rebellion, which we are now sure to cut. Cuba, Porto Rico, and Brazil must do as we do, without our terrible war, I trust. Sumner remained in Washington two months longer. It was, as already seen, his custom to linger there after the close of a session in order to bring up arrears of business and correspondence, and to prosecute studies on questions pending or at hand; but he had a particular purpose now, when projects of reconstruction, in view of the approaching end of the rebellion, were rife. During these weeks he saw much of t
New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
son as to the power of a State to establish slavery— the former denying and the latter affirming it. The supporters of the resolution were determined to force a final vote on that day. Trumbull called upon senators, in order to dispose of the matter, to attend at a night session to hear all the senator from Massachusetts had to say, and then vote on his amendments. The principal debaters at the evening session, which began at seven, were the same as before, with the addition of Clark of New Hampshire, who came to the support of the committee. Henderson had denied that Congress had the right to impose conditions of suffrage on the returning States; and even Pomeroy, usually voting, as he said, for Sumner's antislavery propositions, took the same view. Sumner maintained stoutly and broadly that Congress, when reconstructing rebel States, can stamp upon them freedom in all respects, and remove absolutely all disabilities on account of color. Motions by Wade, Chandler, Howard, and Su
St. Louis (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
characters, with no stint of tribute, and yet with discrimination—the orator bearing testimony to his great qualities, most of all to his essential integrity of purpose, and his freedom from all envy and malice and unworthy ambition. The only limitation suggested was a certain slowness and hesitation in taking positions—compensated, however, by firmness in maintaining them. In no study of Mr. Lincoln is there so fine a statement of his simplicity in character and habit—carried, as with Saint Louis of France, Montalembert, in a letter to Sumner, referred to this comparison as felicitous. into public business—or of the qualities of his style, suggesting Bacon as well as Franklin, and distinguishing his state papers, as well as his conversation and speeches— argumentative, logical, and spirited, with quaint humor and sinewy sententiousness. Sumner's personal intercourse with the late President, particularly in his last days, gave a color to the most impressive passages. The
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