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Tennessee (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 41
ers represented constituencies in which slavery was practically rubbed out by the war process. The Senators and Representatives of Missouri, Kentucky, Arkansas, Tennessee, Louisiana, Florida, and parts of Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, knew that their constituents' slaves were gone, and they had no particular reason for wishin the matter, should legislate at once with a view to the contingency of negro enlistments. On the next day, in the Confederate Congress, Senator G. A. Henry, of Tennessee, and Representative Wickham, of Virginia, introduced bills to extend and perfect the operations of the act of February 17th, 1864. The opposition now began t was ardently discussed in secret session of that Congress from the 17th to the 25th. In this interval, the soldiers from Mississippi, Virginia, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Texas, and elsewhere, declared in favor of the new policy, and a letter of General Lee's was published looking to the same end. In that letter the illustrio
Pensacola (Florida, United States) (search for this): chapter 41
ddy. Major White, of the Alabama battalion that bore his name, had a negro servant who risked his life to bear off his master's body from the field when he was shot down, and after the funeral he took his master's horse and effects, and rode home with them, over a thousand miles, to the old plantation. A Florida negress illustrated the principle of family pride which is characteristic of the race, in a quaint and touching way. Her young masters, both lads, were conscripted and ordered to Pensacola. As they were taking tearful leave of friends and home, the old mammy said: Now, young marsters, stop dis hyar cryin‘; go and fight fer yo‘ country like men, and mind, don't disgrace de family nor me nuther. I could accumulate columns of this sort of anecdotes, all well authenticated, but what I have given will more than suffice. The Confederates found by experience that the negroes, as a rule, were faithful and well behaved, and they trusted them in some things a great deal. This wa
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 41
federacy. This, probably, was a dernier resort, which President Davis would have unflinchingly contemplated; but he had no st noon, and as soon as it was organized the message of President Davis was received. In this paper, admirably written, with A. Seddon, Secretary of War, in his report, supplemented Mr. Davis' message with some still stronger recommendations of his ard to the war, and the conduct of it-one party, of which Mr. Davis was the representative-and leader, looking upon it as a sConfederacy was finally broken to pieces upon this rock. Mr. Davis carried his point of war at any price, and his opponents pinionativeness generally, it is tolerably certain that, if Davis had made himself dictator, he would have been able to carry, of course, ineffective. It did not embody the views of Mr. Davis, nor of General Lee, nor of the Virginia Legislature. Itthis bill. Still, if there had been time to do it, Jefferson Davis would have, doubtless, conscripted the three hundred t
Nathaniel Turner (search for this): chapter 41
ation Proclamation was calculated upon as a means of inciting the negroes to strike for their freedom. Those who will examine the periodicals of the period — the Atlantic Monthly, for instance; the Continental Monthly, etc.-will find them teeming with historical instances written up of slaves who had so risen. The Atlantic, in particular, in urging the Emancipation Proclamation, took occasion to give, as arguments for it, detailed accounts of the revolt of Spartacus, of the Maroons, of Nat. Turner's outbreak, etc.; all showing the wish that was father to the thought. Butler speculated in this sort of business at Fortress Monroe and New Orleans, and Hunter tried it in South Carolina and Florida. Higginson's regiment at Beaufort was intended to be a nucleus for the negro rising which was looked for on the Carolina coast. The negroes, however, refused to disturb the Confederates with any fire in the rear. They behaved in the most exemplary manner everywhere. Where the Federal
Joseph E. Johnston (search for this): chapter 41
owed their masters to the field, and devoted themselves to their service in the tenderest way, but fought, bled, and died for them. There are some touching instances of this intercourse and this devotion which are worth relating. When General Joseph E. Johnston was at Jackson, at the Lamar House, in the full tide of a brilliant reception, an old negro woman, in a coarse sunbonnet, with a cotton umbrella under her arm, rapped at the door, and asked: Is dis Mr. Johnston's room? Yes. Mr. Joe JoMr. Johnston's room? Yes. Mr. Joe Johnston's room? Yes. I wants to see him, den ; and in marched the old lady, going up to the distinguished soldier, and laying her hand familiarly upon his epauleted shoulder. Johnston turned, a look of surprise and gladness overspread his face, he took both the bony, bird-claw hands warmly in his own, and exclaimed: Why, aunt Judy Paxton! The old negress scanned his features with tears in her eyes, and at last said, in a querulous treble, made touching with undisguised emotion: Mister Joe, yo
Semmes (search for this): chapter 41
th, but on the 1st of March, Barksdale's resolution, materially amended, came up in the House and was passed. Wigfall, Hunter, Caperton, Miles, and other leaders opposed the enlistment policy savagely, but, still, when the bill of Barksdale finally came up in the Senate, Hunter and Caperton voted for it, even while speaking against it. The vote in the Senate on the final passage of the bill, March 7th, 1865, was as follows: YEAs-Messrs. Brown, Burnett, Caperton, Henry, Hunter, Oldham, Semmes, Sims, and Watson--9. NAYs — Mssrs. Barnwell, Graham, Johnson (Ga.), Johnson (Mo.), Maxwell, Orr, Vet, and Witfall-8. Thus, the instructions of the Virginia Legislature, by compelling Hunter and Caperton to vote contrary to their opinions, carried the bill through. This bill enacted that in order to secure additional forces to repel invasion, etc., the President be authorized to ask for and accept from slave owners the services of as many able-bodied slaves as he thinks expedien
Oldham (search for this): chapter 41
etary Benjamin and Senator Henry both spoke in zealous and earnest advocacy of the enlistment programme, and on the 13th, there were two new bills introduced by Mr. Oldham, of Texas, and Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi, looking to negro enlistments. Senator Oldham's bill was offered in the Senate, and was not heard of again. In thSenator Oldham's bill was offered in the Senate, and was not heard of again. In the House, a motion to reject Barksdale's bill was defeated by a two-thirds vote. This bill provided for the enlistment of slaves by their masters, and did not reward them with their freedom for volunteering — in fact, there was no volunteering about it. They were to be sent to fight the Yankees as they had been sent to work on the against it. The vote in the Senate on the final passage of the bill, March 7th, 1865, was as follows: YEAs-Messrs. Brown, Burnett, Caperton, Henry, Hunter, Oldham, Semmes, Sims, and Watson--9. NAYs — Mssrs. Barnwell, Graham, Johnson (Ga.), Johnson (Mo.), Maxwell, Orr, Vet, and Witfall-8. Thus, the instructions of t
Hood (search for this): chapter 41
made should be carefully noted, for the Confederacy was finally broken to pieces upon this rock. Mr. Davis carried his point of war at any price, and his opponents henceforth bent their united energies to paralyze his exertions. He was not the wisest of politicians, nor the best of generals; but his sincerity and intensity of purpose elevated him far above the half-hearted people around him as a promoter of vigorous, and, consequently, successful war. In spite of his patronage of Bragg and Hood, and his opinionativeness generally, it is tolerably certain that, if Davis had made himself dictator, he would have been able to carry on the war for still another year. There had been already, some weeks before the meeting of the Confederate Congress, an important conference of the governors of the different States, at Augusta, Georgia, October 17th, at which the subject under consideration had been freely discussed, but without positive action. Governor Smith, of Virginia, in his mess
John B. Gordon (search for this): chapter 41
in his freedom; but the prophets have been disappointed. General John B. Gordon, United States Senator from Georgia, who used to own severafor their conduct during the war, when he was asked about that, General Gordon said: Well, sir, I had occasion to refer just now to a littipped freedom would be the result. The negroes, in fact, as General Gordon said, were happy because they were treated kindly and had few chabits and instincts; but elsewhere the case was different. As General Gordon said: In the upper part of the State, where I was raised, tlity grew out of the strongest sort of affectionate regard. General Gordon, in the testimony cited above, said: The very kindliest rel negroes in the South knew that the war would set them free, as General Gordon said, but they did not want much to be free. Not that they wan our right, tremendous artillery firing, pertinacious assaults upon Gordon, a great battle with no particulars, and then — the curtain descend
Thaddeus Stevens (search for this): chapter 41
ederal army, and the phrase, the colored troops fought bravely, had passed into a proverb. In fact, the Confederates had no sort of opinion of the bravery of the colored troops, and even at the last nothing but sheer necessity drove them to think of the race as food for powder. In the Richmond Examiner, in 1863, at the time the colored troops began to be sent to the field in the Federal forces, there was a very bumptious burlesque of the negro soldiers' bill, the favorite measure of Thad. Stevens. The editor said, in that high and mighty style which was peculiar (happily) to this sheet alone: Enlightened Europe may turn from the sickening horrors of a servile insurrection, invoked by the madmen at Washington, to a phase of this war, as it will be waged next summer, which, when depicted with historical accuracy and physiological fidelity, can scarcely fail to relieve its fears as to the future of the white race at the South, and conduce, in no small degree, to the alleviat
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