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mp at St. Louis. After a few months in this capacity, fearing that he would not be returned to active service, he resigned his commission. Returning home, he became a strong Republican, and in 1866 was appointed attorney-general of Illinois. In 1876, at the Republican National Convention, he nominated James G. Blaine for the Presidency in a speech which contained the following memorable sentence: Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine marched down the halls of the American Congress and threw his shining lances full and fair against the brazen forehead of every defamer of his country and maligner of its honor. He was conspicuously active in the Presidential campaigns of 1876 and 1880, and had it not been for his Robert Green Ingersoll. pronounced agnostic views he would have been honored with high official preferment. In 1882 he settled in New York City, and engaged in law practice till his death, July 21, 1899. He was a man of rare personal attractions; a
Ingersoll, Robert Green 1833- Lawyer; born in Dresden, N. Y., Aug. 11, 1833; began the study of law when eighteen years old, and three years later was admitted to the bar. His gift of oratory soon made him a distinguished man, both in the courts and in Democratic politics. In 1857 he removed from Shawneetown, Ill., to Peoria, and in 1860 was an unsuccessful candidate for Congress. In 1862 he organized the 11th Illinois Cavalry and went to the front as its colonel. He spent most of his military career in raiding and scouting. On Nov. 28, 1862, while endeavoring to intercept a Confederate raiding body with 600 men, he was attacked by a force of 10,000, and captured. He was almost immediately paroled, and placed in command of a camp at St. Louis. After a few months in this capacity, fearing that he would not be returned to active service, he resigned his commission. Returning home, he became a strong Republican, and in 1866 was appointed attorney-general of Illinois. In 187
e infamies. He did what he could to drive these theological vipers, these Calvinistic cobras, these fanged and hissing serpents of superstition from the heart of man. A few civilized men agreed with him then, and the world has progressed since 1809. Intellectual wealth has accumulated; vast mental estates have been left to the world. Geologists have forced secrets from the rocks, astronomers from the stars, historians from old records and lost languages. In every direction the thinker andhe investigator have ventured and explored, and even the pews have begun to ask questions of the pulpits. Humboldt has lived, and Darwin and Haeckel and Huxley, and the armies led by them, have changed the thought of the world. The churches of 1809 could not be the friends of Thomas Paine. No church asserting that belief is necessary to salvation ever was, or ever will be, the champion of true liberty. A church founded on slavery—that is to say, on blind obedience, worshipping irresponsibl
art, and bravely fought against those who could give the rewards of place and gold, and for those who could pay only with thanks. Hoping to hasten the day of freedom, he wrote the Rights of man—a book that laid the foundation for all the real liberty that the English now enjoy—a book that made known to Englishmen the Declaration of Nature, and convinced millions that all are children of the same mother, entitled to share equally in her gifts. Every Englishman who has outgrown the ideas of 1688 should remember Paine with love and reverence. Every Englishman who has sought to destroy abuses, to lessen or limit the prerogatives of the crown, to extend the suffrage, to do away with rotten boroughs, to take taxes from knowledge, to increase and protect the freedom of speech and the press, to do away with bribes under the name of pensions, and to make England a government of principles rather than of persons, has been compelled to adopt the creed and use the arguments of Thomas Paine.
lism even when they were covered with ivy. He not only said that the Bible was not inspired, but he demonstrated that it could not all be true. This was brutal. He presented arguments so strong, so clear, so convincing, that they could not be answered. This was vulgar. He stood for liberty against kings, for humanity against creeds and gods. This was cowardly and low. He gave his life to free and civilize his fellow-men. This was infamous. Paine was arrested and imprisoned in December, 1793. He was, to say the least, neglected by Gouverneur Morris and Washington. He was released through the efforts of James Monroe in November, 1794. He was called back to the convention, but too late to be of use. As most of the actors had suffered death, the tragedy was about over and the curtain was falling. Paine remained in Paris until the reign of terror was ended and that of the Corsican tyrant had commenced. Paine came back to America hoping to spend the remainder of his life s
Ingersoll, Robert Green 1833- Lawyer; born in Dresden, N. Y., Aug. 11, 1833; began the study of law when eighteen years old, and three years later was admitted to the bar. His gift of oratory soon made him a distinguished man, both in the courts and in Democratic politics. In 1857 he removed from Shawneetown, Ill., to Peoria, and in 1860 was an unsuccessful candidate for Congress. In 1862 he organized the 11th Illinois Cavalry and went to the front as its colonel. He spent most of his military career in raiding and scouting. On Nov. 28, 1862, while endeavoring to intercept a Confederate raiding body with 600 men, he was attacked by a force of 10,000, and captured. He was almost immediately paroled, and placed in command of a camp at St. Louis. After a few months in this capacity, fearing that he would not be returned to active service, he resigned his commission. Returning home, he became a strong Republican, and in 1866 was appointed attorney-general of Illinois. In 1876
orial to Chancellor Livingston, secretary of foreign affairs; Robert Morris, minister of finance, and his assistant, urging the necessity of adding a continental legislature to Congress, to be elected by the several States. Robert Morris invited the chancellor and a number of eminent men to meet Paine at dinner, where his plea for a stronger Union was discussed and approved. This was probably the earliest of a series of consultations preliminary to the constitutional convention. On April 19, 1783, it being the eighth anniversary of the battle of Lexington, Paine printed a little pamphlet entitled, Thoughts on peace and the probable advantages thereof. In this pamphlet he pleads for a supreme nationality absorbing all cherished sovereignties. Mr. Conway calls this pamphlet Paine's Farewell address, and gives the following extract: It was the cause of America that made me an author. The force with which it struck my mind, and the dangerous condition which the country was i
d by altars and thrones for many centuries; that he was for the people against nobles and kings; and that he put his life in pawn for the good of others. In the winter of 1774 Thomas Paine came to America. After a time he was employed as one of the writers on The Pennsylvania magazine. Let us see what he did, calculated to excite the hatred of his fellow-men. The first article he ever wrote in America, and the first ever published by him anywhere, appeared in that magazine on March 8, 1775. It was an attack on American slavery—a plea for the rights of the negro. In that article will be found substantially all the arguments that can be urged against that most infamous of all institutions. Every line is full of humanity, pity, tenderness, and love of justice. Five days after this article appeared the American Anti-Slavery Society was formed. Certainly this should not excite our hatred. To-day the civilized world agrees with the essay written by Thomas Paine in 1775.
e, execrated, shunned, and abhorred—his virtues denounced as vices—his services forgotten— his character blackened, he preserved the poise and balance of his soul. He was a victim of the people, but his convictions remained unshaken. He was still a soldier in the army of freedom, and still tried to enlighten and civilize those who were impatiently waiting for his death. Even those who loved their enemies hated him, their friend—the friend of the whole world—with all their hearts. On June 8, 1809, death came—death, almost his only friend. At his funeral no pomp, no pageantry, no civic procession, no military display. In a carriage, a woman and her son who had lived on the bounty of the dead—on horseback, a Quaker, the humanity of whose heart dominated the creed of his head—and, following on foot, two negroes, filled with gratitude—constituted the funeral cortege of Thomas Paine. He who had received the gratitude of many millions, the thanks of generals and states
pity, tenderness, and love of justice. Five days after this article appeared the American Anti-Slavery Society was formed. Certainly this should not excite our hatred. To-day the civilized world agrees with the essay written by Thomas Paine in 1775. At that time great interests were against him. The owners of slaves became his enemies, and the pulpits, supported by slave-labor, denounced this abolitionist. The next article published by Thomas Paine, in the same magazine, and for the nen the same year Benjamin Franklin assured Chatham that no one in America was in favor of separation. As a matter of fact, the people of the colonies wanted a redress of their grievances—they were not dreaming of separation, of independence. In 1775 Paine wrote the pamphlet known as Common sense. This was published on Jan. 10, 1776. It was the first appeal for independence, the first cry for national life, for absolute separation. No pamphlet, no book, ever kindled such a sudden conflagrat
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