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Augusta (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
chmond. Meanwhile the war goes on with converging forces. Mr. Stanton was with me yesterday, and gave me fully his expectations. He thinks that peace can be had only when Lee's army is beaten, captured, or dispersed; and there I agree with him. To that end all our military energies are now directed. Lee's army is sixty-five thousand men. Against him is Grant at Petersburg, a corps now demonstrating at Wilmington, and Sherman marching from Georgia. The latter will not turn aside for Augusta or Charleston, or any fortified place, but will traverse the Carolinas until he is able to co-operate with Grant. You will see from this statement something of the nature of the campaign. Mr. Stanton thinks it ought to be finished before May. I have for a long time been sanguine that after Lee's army is out of the way the whole rebellion will disappear. While that is in a fighting condition there is still a hope for the rebels, and the Unionists of the South are afraid to show themselve
Ford, Va. (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
. 282-285; G. Welles in The Galaxy, April, 1872, p. 526. Speed, the attorney-general, reported to Chief-Justice Chase that the President came nearer at this meeting than before to those who were in favor of equal suffrage, and admitted that he had perhaps been too fast in his desire for early reconstruction. Schuckers's Life of Chase, p. 519. But this does not appear in Welles's account of the meeting. On the evening of that Friday, at or about twenty minutes past ten, he was assassinated at Ford's Theatre by John Wilkes Booth. He became instantly senseless, and did not recover consciousness. Sumner was at the time at the house of Senator Conness, in company with him and Senator Stewart; and being told what had occurred by some one rushing in from the street, they went quickly to the White House, and then to the theatre, reaching Mr. Lincoln, who was already in the house opposite, about half an hour after the fatal shot had been fired. There Sumner remained till the President's las
Capitol (Utah, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
d it April 12—his last official act. They visited him on board the River Queen, where there was a pleasant conversation, in which the President indicated the places where the Confederate commissioners sat in the saloon of the steamer at the Hampton Roads conference, February 3, and with maps before him explained General Grant's present movements. The party, leaving Mr. Lincoln, went on to Richmond that afternoon (Thursday), and drove with an escort of cavalry to noted places—among them the capitol, where Sumner sought for the ancient archives, and inquired about certain public men, particularly Hunter, formerly senator. The incident is related that Sumner's having obtained at Richmond the gavel of the Confederate Congress, which he proposed to give to Stanton, Mr. Lincoln said to Speaker Colfax that he ought to have it, adding, Tell him [Sumner] from me to hand it over. This was the President's last pleasantry before going to the play on the fatal night. Boston Journal, April 15
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
red, or dispersed; and there I agree with him. To that end all our military energies are now directed. Lee's army is sixty-five thousand men. Against him is Grant at Petersburg, a corps now demonstrating at Wilmington, and Sherman marching from Georgia. The latter will not turn aside for Augusta or Charleston, or any fortified place, but will traverse the Carolinas until he is able to co-operate with Grant. You will see from this statement something of the nature of the campaign. Mr. Stantoiends and correspondents that the cause he had at heart was safe with the new President. There were, however, not wanting some disturbing signs. Carl Schurz wrote Sumner, May 9, warning against the schemes of Southern leaders in Mississippi, Georgia, and North Carolina. Thaddens Stevens wrote, May 10, with alarm at the President's proclamation of the day before, recoganizing the Pierpont government of Virginia. A caucus was held in the National Hotel in Washington, May 12, with a view of
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
etaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the ahn and Flanders as members of Congress from Louisiana, when New Orleans and its suburbs only were lready adopted and installed in Arkansas and Louisiana, or to declare a constitutional competency ih Congress. In view of the proceedings in Louisiana and Arkansas, and to prevent such exceptiona recognizing as the legitimate government of Louisiana the one formed under Mr. Lincoln's directionl moved to take up the resolution concerning Louisiana, and Sumner urged instead the consideration r. He reviewed at length the proceedings in Louisiana, and supported the resolution. When the rd the recognition of the State government of Louisiana. New York World, Feb. 28, 1865; New York y duty to oppose his scheme of government in Louisiana, which for the present is defeated in Congreoceedings which had been taken in Tennessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas. The change of mind which t[26 mor
Department de Ville de Paris (France) (search for this): chapter 7
sador for his country at Constantinople and at Paris. Sumner, who was much attached to him, wrote shed to break his fall. He had been urged for Paris. He brought a paper to me recommending him, awith comments. I then pressed Mr. Everett for Paris. It was at a later day that he let me know ofner recommended his appointment as minister to Paris. On account of his duties as senator, he was tin Cochin, Laugel, Montalembert, the Count of Paris, and his old friends at Montpellier, the familrt, whom Sumner had met on his later visits to Paris, rejoiced in our successes, and expressed in hs admiration of Sumner's career. The Count of Paris, The count, who wrote English as perfectly th letters to Sumner in 1864 from the Count of Paris and M. Cochin. He was with the senator familionfidence had subsisted since their meeting in Paris in 1857, visited the United States in 1864-186at Rome, whose acquaintance Sumner had made in Paris. The marquis was from that time a frequent vi[1 more...]
William M. Evarts (search for this): chapter 7
took place October 10, 1864. Sumner had regarded his friend and coadjutor, S. P. Chase, as the fittest person for the place, and had as early as the spring of the year urged the President to appoint him in the event of a vacancy. After that came the rupture between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Chase, when the latter's resignation as Secretary of the Treasury was accepted, June 30. Other candidates were named on the death of the chief-justice—namely, Judge Swayne, already a member of the court; W. M. Evarts, who was supported by E. R. Hoar and R. H. Dana, Jr., of Massachusetts; William Curtis Noyes, who was recommended by Governor Morgan and members of the New York bar; and Montgomery Blair, who claimed to have Mr. Seward's support. Sumner, while expressing the highest respect for the character, attainments, and abilities of Mr. Noyes, whom he thought fit for any place on the bench or in the Cabinet, adhered to his conviction that the public interests, particularly the new constitutional qu
De Montalembert (search for this): chapter 7
maintaining them. In no study of Mr. Lincoln is there so fine a statement of his simplicity in character and habit—carried, as with Saint Louis of France, Montalembert, in a letter to Sumner, referred to this comparison as felicitous. into public business—or of the qualities of his style, suggesting Bacon as well as Franklin,s; but do not forget the attitude of the workers. Sumner's French correspondents during the war–Circourt, Henri Martin, Laboulaye, Augustin Cochin, Laugel, Montalembert, the Count of Paris, and his old friends at Montpellier, the family Martins-Gordon—were all friendly to our country as well as opponents of the second empire. 5, but his letters were infrequent. There was hardly any public opinion in France, and the action of the government was the expression of the emperor's will. Montalembert, whom Sumner had met on his later visits to Paris, rejoiced in our successes, and expressed in his letters his admiration of Sumner's career. The Count of Pa
Thurlow Weed (search for this): chapter 7
with Bennett of the Herald. On Mr. Dayton's death, Mr. Lincoln offered the French mission to Mr. Bennett as a grateful recognition of the Herald's change from a disloyal to a loyal journal in 1861— the change taking place after a call from Thurlow Weed, which was made at the President's instance. Weed's Life, vol. i. pp. 615-619. To Mr. Bright, August 8:— My early prophecy in 1862 will be fulfilled, and nobody hanged for treason . . . . Meanwhile the day of tranquillity and reconWeed's Life, vol. i. pp. 615-619. To Mr. Bright, August 8:— My early prophecy in 1862 will be fulfilled, and nobody hanged for treason . . . . Meanwhile the day of tranquillity and reconciliation is still further postponed. Some of our friends are in great despair; I am not. The good cause cannot be lost. My counsel has been to put off the question. Neither party is ready to accept in proper spirit any final settlement. The former masters are as little ready for equality as the freedmen; but the latter are the better prepared. I think Congress will be disposed to settle the great question on proper principles. Thus far there is more agreement among us than I have ever kno<
itrary methods disowned by modern civilization. Cairnes on The Slave Power, p. 277. That thought disturbed also some of our own people. The erection of almost any kind of local government, supported by a respectable portion of the inhabitants, and giving reasonable promise of accessions, would, as it was hoped, help to counteract that discouraging conviction or apprehension, whether existing abroad or at home, and thereby strengthen the government in its contest with the rebellion. 2 John Jay wrote to Sumner, Dec. 10, 1863: I hope the President's plan meets your approval. I think the proclamation will have a happy effect on the public mind of the North, and that it will tend to demoralize the rebel army, and develop the Union sentiment of the South. He was, however, dissatisfied with the proceedings in Louisiana, as appears by his letter of March 8, 1864. The subject of reconstruction began at an early date in the war to occupy the President's thoughts. It was one for whi
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