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we thought it very fine indeed. We lay down till morning, and when we arose, we found ourselves in company with General Prentiss and General Crittenden, togegether with two hundred and sixteen other officers of various grades. Here also I met wnant-Colonel Adams, Majors Crockett, Chandler, McCormick and Studman. I soon formed an agreeable acquaintance with General Prentiss, who was taken prisoner on Sunday, April 6th, 1862, at Shiloh. It had generally been reported that the General had justice; for on that bloody field he displayed coolness and heroism seldom equalled, and never excelled. I found General Prentiss not one of your half-hearted war men, who fight conditionally, but a whole-souled patriot, who would destroy the insuffrages at every election, without exception, have been exclusively confined to a candidate of their own caste. General Prentiss was kind and affable to all around him, and among fifteen hundred men of his command with whom I freely conversed,
ment of Mexico to every slave in the realm. Now, in all these cases, not one single insurrection or bloodshed has ever been heard of as resulting from emancipation. Even the thirty thousand Hottentots-the most ignorant, degraded people on the earthwho were manumitted at Cape Colony, in July, 1823, gave instant evidence of improvement on being admitted to the rights and privileges of freemen. As a gentleman facetiously remarked, they worked far better for Mr. Cash than they had for Mr. Lash. A statement in the South African Commercial Advertiser, of February, 1813, read as follows: Three thousand prize negroes have received their freedom-four hundred in one day. But not the least difficulty or disaster occurred. Servants found masters, and masters hired servants; all gained homes, and, at night, scarcely an idler was to be seen. To state that sudden emancipation would create disorder and distress to those you mean to serve, is not reason, but the plea of all men a
lternate groups. Just about the time that Mr. Rogers was producing a good effect by this habit, the school was peremptorily discontinued by the rebels, who feared the dissemination of abolition doctrines, notwithstanding the fact that Rogers was a Southern man. While here, I made the acquaintance of Dr. Doke of East Tennessee, and Dr. Fish of Illinois, both of whom were busy day and night ministering to the physical wants and ailments of the prisoners. Medical stores were meagre, and Dr. Doke informed me that to this cause was traceable one-half the deaths that occured. Mr. Rogers and I, falling into conversation one afternoon, struck upon the question of God's special providence. In this we agreed very well, but on that of slavery we were opposed to each other. He had been all his life an inhabitant of the South, and though he did not fully justify the keeping of slaves, he did not so blindly and bitterly denounce those of an opposite opinion, as Southerners are generally
fifty per cent. increase. Coffee increased about one hundred per cent. The hundred million indemnity thus appears to have been a compensation for having been made richer. Now, with all this weight of testimony, it is impossible for the candid reader to cleave any longer to the idea that emancipation is the cause of all this misery. If, says a distinguished logician, you have a right to make another man a slave, he has a right to make you a slave. And if we have no right, says Ramsey, to sell him, no one has a right to purchase him. If ever negroes, bursting their chains, should come (which Heaven forbid!) on the European coast, to drag whites of both sexes from their families, to chain them, and conduct them to Africa, and mark them with a hot iron; if whites stolen, sold, purchased by criminals, and placed under the guidance of merciless inspectors, were immediately compelled, by the stroke of the whip, to work in a climate injurious to their health, when at the
Elijah Lovejoy (search for this): chapter 19
instant one portion of it succeeds in imposing terms and dictating conditions upon another not found in the contract, the relation between them changes, and that which was union becomes subjection.-Message to Pennsylvania Legislature, 1836. Had we obeyed these admonitions when it was first attempted to stop our arguments, had we stood up like men and never yielded our rights on this subject, our foes would never have succeeded. Oh, that the united North had stood up like the martyr, Elijah Lovejoy! Said he: I know that I have a right fully to speak and publish my sentiments, subject only to the laws of the land for the abuse of that right; and this right was given to me by my Maker, and is solemnly guaranteed to me by the Constitution of the United States and also the State. What I wish to know of you is, whether you will protect me in this right, or whether, as heretofore, I am to be subjected to personal indignity and outrage. Was this noble man protected? No! He f
Thank Lord (search for this): chapter 19
fellow creatures. Such a course ought to be considered a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that God whose protection we had implored, and it could not fail to hold us up to the detestation and contempt of every true friend of liberty in the world. National crimes can only be, and frequently are punished, at least, in the world, by national calamities. And if we thus give national sanction to the slave trade, we justly expose ourselves to the displeasure and vengeance of Him who is equally Lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor African slave and his American master. The same fire which dictated the above, burned also in Captain Riley's heart, when he exclaimed: Strange as it may seem to the philanthropist, my free and proud-spirited countrymen still hold a million and a half of human beings in the most cruel bonds of slavery, who are kept at hard labor, and, smarting under the lash of inhuman, mercenary drivers, in many instances enduring the miseries of hunge
latter were entirely unable to look after St. Domingo. The colonists were therefore left to themselves. Certainly here was an opportunity for the breaking forth of that dreaded insurrection which had been predicted as the sure result of immediate abolition. Yet on the contrary, though there were five hundred thousand negroes, thus unfettered and made free, there was an actual decrease in crime, and a corresponding increase in the prosperity and peace of the island. A resident, Colonel Malenfaut, says in his historical memoir: After this public act of emancipation, the negroes remained quiet both in the south and west, and they continued to work upon all the plantations. Even upon those estates which had been abandoned by owners and managers, the negroes continued their labor where there were any agents to guide; and where no white men were left to direct them, they betook themselves to planting provisions. The colony was flourishing. The whites lived happily and in
fail to hold us up to the detestation and contempt of every true friend of liberty in the world. National crimes can only be, and frequently are punished, at least, in the world, by national calamities. And if we thus give national sanction to the slave trade, we justly expose ourselves to the displeasure and vengeance of Him who is equally Lord of all, and who views with equal eye the poor African slave and his American master. The same fire which dictated the above, burned also in Captain Riley's heart, when he exclaimed: Strange as it may seem to the philanthropist, my free and proud-spirited countrymen still hold a million and a half of human beings in the most cruel bonds of slavery, who are kept at hard labor, and, smarting under the lash of inhuman, mercenary drivers, in many instances enduring the miseries of hunger, thirst, imprisonment, cold, nakedness, and even tortures. This is no picture of the imagination. For the honor of human nature, I wish likenesses w
Crittenden (search for this): chapter 19
bed. But still there was such a contrast between it and the old jail in which we had been immured, that we thought it very fine indeed. We lay down till morning, and when we arose, we found ourselves in company with General Prentiss and General Crittenden, togegether with two hundred and sixteen other officers of various grades. Here also I met with my old prison companions, Lieutenants Todd, Stokes, Hollingsworth, and Winslow-all clergymen like myself-Lieutenant-Colonel Adams, Majors Croc am to be subjected to personal indignity and outrage. Was this noble man protected? No! He fell into the arms of his brother one day, shot down on the threshold of his own house, by the bullet of a cowardly and fanatical assassin. General Crittenden, with whom I also become acquainted here, was a slaveholder, yet he did not pretend to endorse the system. Another gentleman, Lieutenant-Colonel Pratt, of Missouri, born and bred in North Carolina, was strongly anti-slavery in his views.
cenes in different parts of my own country, and the bare recollection of them now chills my blood with horror. In connection with this, we have the statement of De Witt Clinton, who, during the period of his legislative career-1797-bestowed a large portion of his attention to the protection of the public health, the promotion of agriculture, manufactures, and the arts, the gradual abolition of slavery, &c. The record of the proceedings of the Senate of New York for the sessions of 1809-11 exhibits proofs of Mr. Clinton's great usefulness. Under his auspices, the New York Historical Society was incorporated, the Orphan Asylum and free schools were fostered and encouraged. He introduced laws to prevent kidnapping, and the further introduction of slaves; also to punish those who should treat slaves inhumanly.-De Witt Clinton's Life in Delaplaine's Repository. I have been forced, after honest and serious consideration, to the conclusion, that God, who rules all the affairs o
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