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Isaac Lawrence (search for this): chapter 3
unscrupulous of the conspirators in that State), in the Secession Convention, is not an event of a day. It is not any thing produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or by the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. It is a matter which has been gathering head for thirty years. . . . In regard to the Fugitive Slave Law, I myself doubted its constitutionality, and doubted it on the floor of the Senate, when I was a member of that body. 1850-1851. The States, acting in their sovereign capacity, Lawrence M Keitt. should be responsible for the rendition of fugitive slaves. That was our best security. --It is no spasmodic effort, said Francis S. Parker, another member of the Convention, that has come suddenly upon us; it has been gradually culminating for a long period of thirty years. --As my friend (Mr. Parker) has said, spoke John A. Inglis, another member of the Convention, most of us have had this matter under consideration for the last twenty years. And Lawrence M. Keitt, the supporte
Stephen F. Hale (search for this): chapter 3
6. resignation of Cass Fast day proclaimed, 77. Clingman's treasonable speech in the Senate, 78. Crittenden's rebuke Hale's defiance, and the anger of the conspirators, 79. Iverson's treasonable speech in the Senate, 80. speeches of Senators d have brought his opinion to one conclusion or another, and, to-day, our country would have been safer than it is. Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, said that, if he understood the Message on the subject of secession, it was this:--South Carolina hwn, of Mississippi, and Louis T. Wigfall, of Texas, followed. They had been stirred with anger by stinging words from Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, who replied to some of Clingman's remarks:--If the issue which is presented is, that the constitutid unyielding. They were astonished and enraged. They felt compelled to cast off all disguises and cease circumlocution. Hale had said, The plain, true way, is, to look this thing in the face — see where we are. The conspirators now thought so too
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 3
n appeal to the great mass of the people in the Slave-labor States, to break loose from their social and political vassalage to the large land and slave owners, and to aid in freeing the Republic of slavery. of arraying the non-slaveholders and poor men against the wealthy. I have no doubt that would be their leading policy, and they would be very quiet about it. They want to get up that sort of free debate which has been put into practice in Texas, according to the Senator from New York [Mr. Seward], for he is reported to have said, in one of his speeches in the Northwest, alluding to recent disturbances, to burnings and poisonings there, that Texas was excited by free debate. Well, Sir, continued Clingman, with peculiar emphasis, a Senator from Texas The Senators from Texas were John Hemphill and Louis T. Wigfall. told me, the other day, that a good many of those debaters were hanging up by the trees in that country! When Clingman ceased speaking, the venerable John Jay Critt
Edward Atkinson (search for this): chapter 3
miles were devoted to the cotton culture in that year. On those 10,888 square miles, 4,675,710 bales of cotton, weighing 400 pounds each, were raised in 1859-60. Of this amount Great Britain took 2,019,252 bales, or more than one-third of the. entire crop; France took 450,696 bales, and the States north of the Potomac took 760,218 bales. The accompanying map is a reduced copy of a i)art of one, prefixed to a Report to the Boston Board of Trade on the Cotton Manufacture of 1862, by Edward Atkinson. The solid black lines inclose the principal cotton regions in the ten States alluded to. The limit of cotton culture in 1860 is indicated by a dotted line, thus . . . . The isothermal line of wean summer temperature is shown by dotted lines, thus--------- It was the continual boast of the politicians in the Cotton-producing States, that the money value of their staple was greater than that of all the other agricultural productions of the whole country. This assertion went from lip
John Caldwell Calhoun (search for this): chapter 3
enace, and would have crushed by the force of arms, if it had been necessary, the foul serpent of rebellion, that appeared a generation before as a petted monster, among the politicians of South Carolina, and was exhibited to the people whenever Calhoun waved the sorcerer's wand. In the contrast between Jackson and Buchanan, which that retrospect exhibited, they saw cause for gloomy forebodings. Patriotic men wrote earnest letters to their representatives in Congress, asking them to be firm scornful and violent harangues from other Senators, in which the speakers seemed to emulate each other in the utterance of seditious sentiments. Clingman, more courteous than most of his compeers, said, I think one of the wisest remarks that Mr. Calhoun ever made was, that the Union could not be saved by eulogies upon it. Senators Alfred Iverson, of Georgia, Albert G. Brown, of Mississippi, and Louis T. Wigfall, of Texas, followed. They had been stirred with anger by stinging words from Sen
Bonaparte (search for this): chapter 3
the article in De Bow's Review just alluded to, pronounced this statement a gross and silly libel, which could only have proceeded from a nerveless, apprehensive, tremulous old man. Our women, he continued, are far in advance of our men in their zeal for disunion. They fear not war, for every one of them feels confident that when their sons or husbands are called to the field, they will have a faithful body-guard in their domestic servants. Slaves are the only body-guard to be relied on. Bonaparte knew it, and kept his Mohammedan slave sleeping at his door. The same writer added, that it was they [the women] and the clergy who lead and direct the disunion movement. This state of things, he intimated, was a sufficient excuse, if continued, for the lifting of a fratricidal hand. Should this apprehension of domestic danger, he said, whether real or imaginary, extend and intensify itself, until it shall pervade the masses of the Southern people, then disunion will become inevitable.
Louis T. Wigfall (search for this): chapter 3
e Senate, 80. speeches of Senators Davis and Wigfall, 81. Cotton proclaimed King, 82. the Cotton kingdom, 83. Wigfall's insolent harangue, 84. Whilst the Cotton-growing States were in a blazetating the case that was before the country. Wigfall, of Texas, said he could not understand it; aenators from Texas were John Hemphill and Louis T. Wigfall. told me, the other day, that a good manygia, Albert G. Brown, of Mississippi, and Louis T. Wigfall, of Texas, followed. They had been stirraccepted the challenge. Senators Iverson and Wigfall, the most outspoken of the disloyalists preseily, and polished Mississippi Senator. Louis T. Wigfall. After declaring that State after Statas wounded. years before; and now, a Senator (Wigfall) of the Republic, with words of treason fallions of negro insurrections that might follow, Wigfall said:--I tell you, Senators, that next year yonfederacy. --Before this day next week, said Wigfall, December 13, 1860. I hazard the assertion t[1 more...]
George Fitzhugh (search for this): chapter 3
that the principal of the causes which led to secession was not Slavery, but the very high price which, for the sake of protecting the Northern manufacturers, the South were obliged to pay for the manufactured goods. which they required. George Fitzhugh, a leading publicist of Virginia, in an article in De Bow's Review (the acknowledged organ of the Slave interest) for February, 1861, commenting on the Message, said;--It is a gross mistake to suppose that Abolition is the cause of dissolutit the North. he said:--This feeling of peace at home has given place to apprehensions of servile insurrection. Many a matron throughout the South retires at night in dread of what may befall herself and her children before the morning. George Fitzhugh, in the article in De Bow's Review just alluded to, pronounced this statement a gross and silly libel, which could only have proceeded from a nerveless, apprehensive, tremulous old man. Our women, he continued, are far in advance of our men
John Adams (search for this): chapter 3
we have enjoyed within this Union--natural blessings, civil blessings, spiritual blessings, social blessings, all kinds of blessings — such blessings as were never enjoyed by any other people since the world began. Committees were appointed by each House to inform the President of its organization, and readiness to receive any communication from him. These reported that he would send in to them a written message at noon on Tuesday. During the administrations of George Washington and John Adams, the message or speech of the President, at the opening of each session of Congress, was read to them by the Chief Magistrate in person. Mr. Jefferson abandoned this practice when he came into office, because it seemed to be a too near imitation of the practice of the monarchs of England in thus opening the sessions of Parliament in person. At the appointed hour, the President's private Secretary, A. J. Glossbrenner, appeared below the bar of the Senate, and announced that he was there by
Winfield Scott (search for this): chapter 3
71. the President's indecision and recommendations denunciations of the Message, 73. disappointment of the people, 74. movements of the Clergy warnings of General Scott, 75. General Wool's letter to General Cass, 76. resignation of Cass Fast day proclaimed, 77. Clingman's treasonable speech in the Senate, 78. Crittenden'ical questions — a greater regard for the rights and feelings of men. So early as the close of October, October 80, 1860. that venerable soldier, Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott, the General-in-chief of the armies of the Republic, perceiving the gathering cloud betokening a storm, spoke words of warning to the President and S at once to the commanders of the Barancas [Pensacola], Forts Moultrie and Monroe, to be on their guard against surprises. Another veteran warrior, who had been Scott's companion in arms for fifty years, full of patriotic zeal, and with a keen perception of danger, after reading the President's message wrote a letter remarkable
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