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ominating convention had given the Missouri Radicals the stamp of regularity, the President was bound to prefer them in the bestowal of patronage. He did nothing of the kind. At his death, practically all of the offices in Missouri that were under his control were held by Claybanks. These men became enthusiastic supporters of Andrew Johnson, and, at the end of his term, to a man went over to the Democratic party, of which their leader, General Blair, was soon made, on the ticket with Horatio Seymour, the Vice-Presidential candidate. At Lincoln's death, the Claybanks, as an organization, went out of business. Very different was the treatment the Charcoals received at the hands of General Grant when he became President. He made the leader of the anti-Scofield delegation to Washington Chief Justice of the Court of Claims. He made two or three other leading Missouri Radicals foreign ministers and officially remembered many of the rest of them. He had been a Missourian, and it wa
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 8: declaration of principles (search)
on, they can't make anything at present prices. To the Tribune it will make a difference from the start of twelve hundred dollars a week, or sixty-two thousand dollars a year. This will leave something for leeway. The Whigs have got to nominate Greeley for governor and fight the Know-nothings, who are going in on a bargain to elect Bronson governor and Fillmore senator. Weed and the other leaders admit that Greeley is the only man who will do at all for the battle. The Softs will run Seymour on the rum tack, and it will be an interesting contest.... Snow tells me he has sacrificed mining property for which he had paid twelve thousand dollars cash, and glad to get off so. Greeley has fared worse. Why, last week he had to let good lands in Pike County, Pennsylvania, on which he had paid five thousand dollars, go to the dogs because he couldn't raise five hundred dollars. So we go, and the worst not come yet. We are lucky who are not under the necessity of borrowing. The
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 16: Dana returns to Washington (search)
hall not for a long time have anything to do or any association as agreeable and instructive as during my three months with the Army of the Tennessee. I had almost forgotten to say that the New York riots are over and cannot be repeated. Governor Seymour and the leaders of the Copperhead Democracy were mostly at the bottom of the whole dreadful business. Seymour has had the idea of resisting the draft by the forces of the State, but is too great a coward to attempt the execution of the schSeymour has had the idea of resisting the draft by the forces of the State, but is too great a coward to attempt the execution of the scheme with the large Federal force now concentrated in the city. The foregoing letter is particularly noticeable because it shows that Dana at least had been considering even at that early day the chance of Grant's being ordered to the command of the Army of the Potomac. Before starting East he had discussed the suggestion with Rawlins and others as a possible consequence of Grant's great victories in the West; but the time had not yet come, though the idea was born. The disgrace of Chickam
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 23: period of reconstruction (search)
s sound and decorous principle became thenceforth the rule of the Sun. It was during the month of June, 1868, that it was proposed in Congress to lay a tax upon the interest paid on government bonds. As this was generally regarded as looking towards repudiation, Dana made haste to declare that if the members who voted for it had any sense of shame left they would never show their heads among honest people. Having always stood for sound money and honest government, he complimented Horatio Seymour, the Democratic governor of New York, as a life-long believer in hard money. On the other hand, he denounced Butler, who had recently become a Democratic representative from Massachusetts, for bringing forward the proposition to strike from the United States legal-tender notes the promise to pay in dollars. This, he pointed out, as a transparent effort to establish fiat money, in opposition to which Dana promptly contended that there could be no value in government paper because the w
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Index (search)
Santo Domingo, 402, 419,420,422, 435. Satartia, trip to, 231, 232. Savannah, 352, 353, 355. Scates, Judge, 253. Schiller, 56. Schofield, General, 353, 354, 356, 406, 410, 411. Schurz, Carl, 36, 296, 431. Scituate, Massachusetts, 13, 15, 25, 27, 28. Scott, General, 118, 123, 127, 175, 213. Secret Service agents, 185, 186, 341. Sedgwick, General, 249, 311, 319. Seward, William H., 99, 118, 130, 145, 152, 153, 161, 162, 179, 180-182, 354,365, 368, 397,402, 408,419. Seymour, Governor, 249, 250, 400. Shakers, 40. Shankland, General, 143. Shellmound, 254. Shenandoah Valley, 331, 336, 338, 342, 344, 345. Sheridan, General, 262, 294, 304, 317,319, 321, 323, 324,326,427, 330, 332, 333, 338, 343-349, 356, 366, 367. Sherman, Charles, 363. Sherman, General T. W., 373. Sherman, General William T., 208, 209, 212, 220, 227, 230, 233, 243, 244, 246, 250, 251, 256, 268, 291-295, 299, 300, 302, 343, 345, 346, 350, 351, 355, 356, 361-364, 366-368, 388, 415. Sherman
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 2: the Irish address.—1842. (search)
xt, Nov. 29. and will continue in session at least three days. As bro. Foster S. S. Foster. will be there, I presume we shall have a repetition of the scenes in Syracuse, as he is remarkably successful in raising the spirit Lib. 12.201, 205; 13.9. of mobocracy wherever he goes. Possibly, we may have quiet meetings; There was no disturbance until the evening of the third day, and then it burst not upon S. S. Foster but upon J. Cannings Fuller and Abby Kelley. The Mayor of Utica, Horatio Seymour, being present, endeavored, as a simple citizen, to quell the uproar, until taxed with official responsibility for it, when he said he would prosecute every individual implicated that might be named to him, and order was at once restored (Lib. 12: 205, 206). but, come what may, may we all be faithful to the cause. I could wish that bro. Foster would exercise more judgment and discretion in the presentation of his views; but it is useless to reason with him, with any hope of altering hi
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4, Chapter 9: Journalist at large.—1868-1876. (search)
nxious decade of reconstruction, at first under the hostile Administration of Andrew Johnson, it is enough to say here that Mr. Garrison was in general accord with the measures adopted by Congress to thwart the reactionary designs of the Executive, and to maintain Republican control of the States lately in rebellion— not a party control, in his eyes. The failure to impeach President Johnson was a great disappointment to him. In the Presidential campaign of 1868 (when General Grant and Horatio Seymour were the rival candidates), the terrorism rampant at the South, and the Southern hopes of Democratic restoration, furnished themes for several of his articles in the Independent; but he refused Aug. 13, Oct. 1, 15, 22, 29, 1868. to preside at a Republican ratification meeting in Faneuil Hall, or, at the request of Horace Greeley, to write an Ms. July 23, 1868. address to the freedmen, urging them to vote for Grant— Greeley to O. Johnson. believing himself too little known to the bene
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
Lincoln's call for troops. There were threatening signs also in Missouri, Kentucky, and Maryland. Delaware alone among slave States seemed securely held to the Union. The disunion sentiment was not confined to the slaveholding States. The identification of the Democratic party with the slaveholding interest for a long period had poisoned the minds of many of the Democratic leaders at the North. Treasonable sentiments were uttered by Franklin Pierce, Caleb Cushing, Fernando Wood, Horatio Seymour, and Chancellor Walworth; Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 388-393, 512. Cushing made, November 26, an inflammatory speech at Newburyport, which affirmed the right of secession, and denied the right of the government to coerce the seceders. (Boston Post, November 27, 28, 29.) His letter, November 19. justifying the complaints of the seceders is printed in the Boston Advertiser, November 21. Henry Wilson replied to him at length in a trenchant letter, which reviewed his ear
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 47: third election to the Senate. (search)
umerous congratulatory letters from distant places, recognized the result as an important event. New York Tribune, Nov. 8, 1862; Jan. 16, 1863. The last notice reviewed his 4 career, and contrasted the circumstances of his first entrance into the Senate in 1851 and his present position. Other States were not as steadfast as Massachusetts in 1862. The Administration was outvoted in New York and New Jersey,—States which had chosen Republican electors, and now elected governors Horatio Seymour and Joel Parker. hostile to it; and it encountered defeat in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Several causes contributed to this disaster,—chiefly the want of success in the field, the incidents of increased taxation, derangement in the currency, and the imminency of a draft. The disaster on the Rappahannock was at hand. Greeley gives the opinion in his History that during the year following July 4, 1862, a majority of the people, outside of the soldiers in the field, would
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
e consummate lawyer. And yet I must say frankly that I think you are both mistaken in your judgment of Lord Lyons. If you had expressed regret that the British minister had not openly and magnanimously declared his sympathy with our cause, I should agree with you. I regret it much. But you speak of him as tampering with our enemies, and holding covert intercourse with disloyal men; and this very serious charge is founded on his receiving New York Democrats, perhaps John Van Buren and Horatio Seymour, immediately after their triumph at the polls last autumn, while he listened to their complaints and theories. A less favorable view of Lord Lyons's conferences in New York is taken in Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. VI. pp. 84-88. If these men at that time talked of peace and of mediation, they did nothing more than they had done at public meetings and in newspapers, with the acquiescence if not sympathy of many calling themselves Republicans. This is melancholy, but it is
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