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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans). Search the whole document.

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November 6th (search for this): chapter 6
my in detail. It was therefore declined, and the attention of the administration was turned toward the abandonment of South Carolina to its secession purposes, in the hope of confining the movement to that one State. The resignations of Federal judicial officers in South Carolina occurred in November, but so far as other functions of government could be performed they were still executed as if no discontent prevailed, and in the meantime Mr. Floyd, secretary of war, ordered Col. Porter, November 6th, to inspect troops and fortifications in Charleston Harbor, who made the inspection and returned a full report on the following week. The work on the several forts was increased through the energies of Captain Foster and Major Robert Anderson. Major Anderson, under instructions from Secretary Floyd, reported the improved condition of the forts, made further suggestions as to the best means of making any attack from Charleston futile, and said significantly, There is not so much feverish
February 3rd, 1865 AD (search for this): chapter 6
suggested an interview between them and Lincoln himself. This dispatch of General Grant changed the President's purpose, and the commissioners having further considered their situation signed the terms prescribed for their admission to the conference. The President resolving now to be present in person at the conference came to Hampton Roads where he joined Secretary Seward on the night of the 2nd and next day received the commissioners on board a steamer. The conference took place February 3, 1865, to the result of which two countries at least were looking with great solicitude, but the history of what was said and done can be gathered alone from the earliest accounts of it given carefully to the world by all the five great actors; since by agreement not a line was written in the conference room nor a witness admitted to be present. The distinguished parties themselves have all spoken and from these sources the record is made. It appears that the first words bearing on the obje
January 11th, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 6
dministration, and bring the people of the United States to consideration of the terms of peace. Speeches were therefore made by President Davis, Vice-President Stephens, and Governor Letcher, of Virginia, and various editorials were published in Southern newspapers, to arouse the people to make the most resolute resistance until these questions could be passed upon at the ballot box by the people of the United States. An amendment of the Constitution of the United States was proposed January 11, 1864, to abolish slavery in all the States, which failed to pass the U. S. Senate, and became one of the main issues in the ensuing presidential election. A resolution declaring the constitutional objects of the war to be simply the restoration of the Union on the basis of the Constitution, and requesting President Lincoln to issue a proclamation inviting the revolted States to repudiate their secession ordinance upon the pledge of restoration to all their rights under the Constitution, was
August 8th, 1846 AD (search for this): chapter 6
th Mexico should ensue, the result would inevitably be the acquisition of suffident territory to form Slave States south of the line of the Missouri Compromise as rapidly as Free States could be formed north of it, and that in this way the ancient equality of North and South could be maintained. （Blaine, vol. I, 46-7.) As soon as it became evident that new territory additional to Texas would be acquired as the result of the Mexican war, the anti-slavery agitation appeared suddenly, August 8, 1846, in a proviso offered by Wilmot to the bill for appropriation of $2,000,000, designed to be used in concluding a peace with Mexico, that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist therein. This Wilmot Proviso absorbed the attention of Congress for a longer time than the Missouri Compromise; it produced a wider and deeper excitement in the country and it threatened a more serious danger to the peace and integrity of the Union. The consecration of the territory of the Uni
June 1st, 1852 AD (search for this): chapter 6
oming event sectional discord necessary to the freesoil faction Kansas troubles and Emi Grant aid societies the shaping of a party strictly Northern local successes. while this apparently factious but dangerous opposition to the stability of the compromise settlement was being thus pressed among the Northern States, the political parties were preparing for the Presidential election of 1852. The Democratic State conventions sent delegates to the national convention at Baltimore June 1, 1852, thoroughly impressed with the view that the settlement was fully agreed to by the people of the United States, and consequently political controversies must be caused by questions not so sectional as that of slavery. Resolutions were passed re-affirming the principles of the compromise and pronouncing against further slavery agitation in Congress. The Whig party, meeting in national convention the same month, passed strictly State Rights resolutions and also resolved that the comprom
November 12th (search for this): chapter 6
press of proceedings at the North, and the unsatisfactory course of the Buchanan administration, only deepened the convictions of South Carolina, and amidst the conditions of public sentiment no other course except that of a call for a convention of the State could have been taken. By the mere accident that under the old usage of this State its legislature met at the time of the presidential election, the responsibility of leading in secession fell upon South Carolina, and hence on the 12th of November the legislature passed the bill to call a convention, but placed the time of its assembling December 17th, more than six weeks from the presidential election, giving ample time in the emergency for a full vote of its people. The legislatures of Georgia, North Carolina, Mississippi and Alabama met during November, and were followed by other States in the call for separate State conventions. Thus early, and in ample time for initiating an adjustment, the administration of Buchanan was
January 18th, 1865 AD (search for this): chapter 6
I would, if you could promise that a commissioner, minister, or other agent, would be received, appoint one immediately, and renew the effort to enter into conference with the view to secure peace to the two countries. Jefferson Davis. With this important letter Mr. Blair returned to Washington, and showing it to President Lincoln, obtained from him a communication designed to be read by the Confederate President. This letter, also addressed to Mr. Blair, and dated at Washington, January 18, 1865, was as follows: Sir: You having shown me Mr. Davis' letter to you of the 12th instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now and shall continue ready to receive any agent whom he or any other influential person now resisting the national authority may informally send to me with the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country. Abraham Lincoln. Thus far the preliminaries seemed to gratify Mr. Blair, It was well you wrote me that letter, he sa
June 17th, 1856 AD (search for this): chapter 6
ointed by eight Northern States issued in 1855 a call for a general convention, which assembled at Pittsburg, February 22, 1856, and erected a party plat form in which aggressive war was declared against the general policy of Pierce, and definitely in favor of all measures that would confine slavery within the limits of the slave-holding States. Upon this basis of agreement the convention ordered an election of delegates from the States to a party convention to assemble at Philadelphia, June 17, 1856. The convention thus called assembled, nominated Fremont, of California, for the presidency, and Dayton, of Ohio, for the vice-presidency— both from the North, thus violating the custom unbroken to this time to divide these offices between the North and the South. The single avowed purpose of the new association was to aim at and look for the extinction of what the platform offensively called the twin relics of barbarism—polygamy and slavery. The inventors of this sharp-pointed and i
January 24th, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 6
e released within ten days every Northern soldier in the Confederate prisons, but at the same time have left a large number of Southern soldiers in Northern prisons because the excess was then on the Federal side, was not even noticed. In January, 1864, and even before that date it was feared by the Confederate authorities that prisoners of war on both sides would be held in captivity without the benefits of exchange. Colonel Ould, the Confederate agent of exchange, therefore wrote, January 24, 1864, officially to General Hitchcock, the Federal agent of exchange, a formal proposal to have surgeons appointed by both governments to take charge in the prisons of the health and comfort of the prisoners. The surgeons were also to act as commissaries with power to receive and distribute money, food, clothing and medicines. But even this very humane offer was not answered, although its acceptance would have alleviated the sufferings and saved the lives of thousands of brave men. In the
July, 1856 AD (search for this): chapter 6
compromise was fully overcome in 1851, and it ceased to be a question. The practical danger to Buchanan's election had come in 1856 alone from Fillmore men whose platform agreed with his own views on the sectional question. Their party dis solved like a mist immediately after Fillmore's defeat, and its members in the South, though a half million strong, had no grounds of contest except such as might be found on local issues. Their leader, Mr. Fillmore, had written a remarkable letter in July, 1856—the protest of a patriot against sectional partyism—concerning which Mr. Greeley commented that it plainly declared the success of the Republicans would not only incite, but justly cause a rebellion of the Southern States. (American Conflict, 248.) Heeding the words of these great Northerners, the Southern Americans stood together in support of any measures that would secure the cessation of further dangerous agitation. The Buchanan administration inherited the Kansas trouble and was
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