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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10, Chapter 2: (search)
nd a frivolous minister, was attempting by largesses of subsidies to set the force of Russia against the most considerable Protestant power in Germany. In the attempt England shot so wildly from its sphere that Newcastle was forced to bend to William Pitt; and then England and Prussia, and the embryon United States,—Pitt, Frederic, and Washington,—worked together for human freedom. The seven years war extended the English colonies to the Mississippi and gave Canada to England. We conquered Ame elder Pitt, ascribing to Frederic a share in the extension of the Germanic race in the other hemisphere; and in like manner Frederic, in his histories, treats the English movement in America and his own struggles in Europe all as one, so long as Pitt was at the helm. To what end would events have been shaped if Pitt's ministry had continued, and the bonds between England and Prussia had been riveted by a common peace? But here, as everywhere, it is useless to ask what would have happened i
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10, Chapter 19: (search)
that things might have gone better if the direction had rested with himself. Bold in the avowal of his own opinions, he was fearless to provoke and prompt to combat opposition. It was not his habit to repine over lost opportunities; his nature inclined him rather to prevent what seemed to him coming evils by timely action. The England of that day had its precocious statesmen. For stateliness of eloquence, and consummate skill in managing a legislative assembly, the palm must be given to Pitt, whom Hamilton excelled in vigor, consistency, and versatility. There were points of analogy between Hamilton and Fox. Both were of warm and passionate natures; but Hamilton became Chap. XIX.} 1780. the father of a family, while Fox wasted life as a libertine. It was remarkable of both of them, that, with glowing natures, their style in debate and in writing was devoid of ornament, attractive only by strength of thought and clearness of expression. On the third of September, 1780, Hami
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10, Chapter 23: (search)
tween the two armies a victory was highly to the honor of our troops; but, had our army been vanquished, what course could they have taken? Certainly they would have abandoned the field of action, and flown for refuge to the seaside; precisely the measures the victorious army was obliged to adopt. And he moved the house of commons to recommend to the ministers every possible measure for concluding peace. In the course of the very long debate, the younger Chap. XXIII.} 1781. June 12. William Pitt, then just twenty-two, avoiding the question of independence, explained to a listening house the principles and conduct of his father on American affairs. Then, referring to Lord Westcote, he said: A noble lord has called the American war a holy war; I affirm that it is a most accursed war, wicked, barbarous, cruel, and unnatural; conceived in injustice, it was brought forth and nurtured in folly; its footsteps are marked with slaughter and devastation, while it meditates destruction to
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10, Chapter 26: (search)
measures, and the house could no longer deceive itself as to the hopelessness of the contest. Accordingly on the twenty-second of February, Feb. 22. 1782, a motion against continuing the American war was made by Conway; was supported by Fox, William Pitt, Barre, Wilberforce, Mahon, Burke, and Cavendish; and was negatived by a majority of but one. Five days later, his resolution of the same purport for 27. an address to the king obtained a majority of nineteen. The next day, Edmund Burke wrof the fourth, denounced Lord North and his colleagues as men void of honor and honesty, a coalition with any one of them as an infamy; but three days later he qualified his words in favor of Lord Thurlow. In the majesty of upright intention, William Pitt, now in his great days, which were the days of his youth, stood aloof from all intrigue, saying: I cannot expect to take any share in a new administration, and I never will accept a subordinate situation. The king toiled earnestly to retard t
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10, Chapter 27: (search)
Irish owed the vindication of their rights to the United States; but at the time the gratitude of the nation took the direction of loyalty to their king, and their legislature voted one hundred thousand pounds sterling for the levy of twenty thousand seamen. During the ministry of Rockingham, the British house of commons for the first time since the days of Cromwell seriously considered the question of a reform in the representation of Great Britain. The author of the proposition was William Pitt, then without office, but the acknowledged heir of the principles of Chatham. The resolution of inquiry was received with ill-concealed repugnance by Rockingham. Its support by Fox was lukewarm, and bore the mark of his aristocratic connections. Edmund Burke, in his fixed opposition to reform, was almost beside himself with passion, and was with difficulty persuaded to remain away from the debate. The friends of Shelburne, on the contrary, gave to the motion their cordial support; yet
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10, Chapter 28: (search)
with the ministry so lately overthrown, insisted with his friends that Lord Shelburne was as fully devoted to the court as Lord North in his worst days. But the latter, contrary to his own judgment and political principles, had persisted in the American war to please the king; the former accepted power only after he had brought the king to consent to peace with independent America. The vacancies in the cabinet were soon filled up. For the home department the choice of the king fell on William Pitt, who had not yet avowed himself in parliament for American independence, and who was in little danger of becoming too much dipped in the wild measures of the leaders of sedition; but it was assigned to the more experienced Thomas Townshend, who had ever condemned the violation of the principles of English liberty in the administration of British colonies in America. Pitt, at three and twenty years old, became chancellor of the exchequer; the Chap. XXVIII.} 1782. July 9. seals of the fo
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10, Chapter 29: (search)
ppell and Richmond inclining to cut loose. The king could not avoid mentioning how sensibly he felt the dismemberment of America from the empire: I should be miserable indeed, said he, if I did not feel that no blame on that account can be laid at my Chap. XXIX.} 1782. Nov. door. Moreover, he thought so ill of its inhabitants, that it may not, he said, in the end be an evil that they will become aliens to this kingdom. In the general tremulousness among the ministers, Townshend and William Pitt remained true to Shelburne; and a third set of articles was prepared, to which these three alone gave their approval. There was no cavilling about boundaries. All the British posts on the Penobscot, at New York and in Carolina, at Niagara and at Detroit, were to be given up to the United States, and the country east of the Mississippi and north of Florida was acknowledged to be theirs. The article on the fishery contained arbitrary restrictions copied from former treaties with France;
The Daily Dispatch: April 5, 1861., [Electronic resource], Position of San Domingo. (search)
William Pitt, (the Younger.) The London Review, in a late number, contains a long article devoted to the praise of this great English statesman. Like all other men who in their day headed a party, the place of Pitt in history has never been settled to the satisfaction of the world in general.--The same parties that then divided England and Europe still exist. By the one he is still revered as a demigod; the other reduce him to the level of quite an ordinary man. Both, we think, are wrong, and truth, as usual, lies in the middle. The man who, at the age of twenty-four, could triumph in the British Parliament over the most powerful opposition that had ever banded itself within the walls of St. Stephen's to pull down a Ministry --who could, almost single handed, resist the united efforts of Fox, Burke, Sheridan, Enskine, Windham, Grey, and a host of others, and resist it with success --who could retain power almost uninterruptedly for the space of twenty-three years, in the face
The Daily Dispatch: November 21, 1861., [Electronic resource], Runaway.--ten dollars reward. (search)
waived it whenever the occasion demanded it. She has been particularly careful not to exercise it against vessels of the United States, even when they were known to be slavers. --The Government of the United States, on the contrary, has constantly contended against the existence of any such right. They deny it when it makes in favor of Great Britain.-- They exercise it when it makes in favor of themselves. Will Great Britain submit to a rule which works only one way? We neither know nor care; but we know what she would have done sixty years ago, when William Pitt the younger was Prime Minister of England, and Nelson was "Britannia's God of War." In the present instance, not only the general law of neutrality, but a positive treaty has been palpably violated. By the extradition treaty, the contracting parties stipulate in positive terms that no person charged with a political offence shall be given up. The offence of Messrs. Slidell and Mason, if offence i be, is wholly political.
The Daily Dispatch: October 14, 1862., [Electronic resource], Arrival of California gold. (search)
hing anarchy and blood shed, with which the North is so evidently threatened, a relaxation of the preparations against us — seem willfully blind to one of the most important lessons that history has ever caught. Throughout the French Revolution — the only event of modern times, which we can recollect, that bears any resemblance to what is now passing in the North--one of the most renowned, at least, if not one of the wisest statesmen that ever presided over the destines of Great Britain--William Pitt, the younger — from week to week, made prophecies in the House of Commons precisely analogous to these. "France," he would say, "must stop warring with the rest of the world, because she is devoured by a war in her own bosom. The power to harm her neighbors must shortly be suspended, because she is already bankrupt and has not where with to pay her soldiers. --Her Government cannot long continue, but must perish in the shock of contending faction." He knew not the force of a whole natio<
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