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Bradley T. Johnson (search for this): chapter 1.22
South. Passing over the history up to the year 1864, we find the people of the North were then greatly agitated on the question of the propriety of the war, its further prosecution and the manner in which it was being conducted by the administration then in power. The opposition to the war and Lincoln's administration was led by Vallandingham, of Ohio, with such boldness and ability as to cause his arrest and temporary imprisonment. In the Presidential contest of that year, Lincoln and Johnson were the candidates of the Republican, or war party, and McClellan and Pendleton were those of the Democratic, or peace party. The convention which nominated McClellan and Pendleton was one of the most representative bodies that ever assembled in this country. It met in the city of Chicago on the 29th of August, 1864, with Governor Horatio Seymour, of New York, as its chairman. An idea of the temper of the convention may be gathered from an extract from one of the speeches delivered in
Underwood (search for this): chapter 1.22
d was found May 8th, 1866, at Norfolk, Va., in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Eastern District of Virginia, then presided over by the infamous Judge Underwood; and as Underwood himself tells us, this indictment was found after consultation with, and by the direction of Andrew Johnson, the then President of the UniteUnderwood himself tells us, this indictment was found after consultation with, and by the direction of Andrew Johnson, the then President of the United States. Almost immediately on the finding of this indictment, Mr. William B. Reed, a distinguished lawyer from Philadelphia, appeared for Mr. Davis, and asked: What is to be done with this indictment? Is it to be tried? * * If it is to be tried, may it please your honor, speaking for my colleagues and for myself and for my aeged treason. On the question thus raised, the Court divided, the Chief Justice being of the opinion that the defence set up was a bar to the indictment, and Judge Underwood being of the contrary opinion. On this division, the question was certified to the Supreme Court, where, in the language of the reporter, the certificate of
Swinton (search for this): chapter 1.22
, will grow brighter and brighter, as the years roll on, because no stain of crime or vandalism is linked to those names; and because those men have performed deeds which deserve to live in history. And what shall I say of the men who followed these leaders? I will say this, without the slightest fear of contradiction from any source: They were the most unselfish and devoted patriots that ever marched to the tap of the drum, or stood on the bloody front of battle. The northern historian, Swinton, speaks of them as the incomparable infantry of the Army of Northern Virginia. Colonel Dodge, a distinguished Federal officer, in his lecture on Chancellorsville, before the Lowell Institute in Boston, says: The morale of the Confederate army could not have been finer. * * * Perhaps no infantry was ever, in its peculiar way, more permeated with the instinct of pure fighting—ever felt the gaudiam certaminis more than the Army of Northern Virginia. Another gallant Federal colonel th
Webster (search for this): chapter 1.22
and patience of her people, and particularly of her noble women, under almost incredible trials and sufferings, have never been surpassed in the history of the world. And he then adds: Such exalted character and achievement are not all in vain. Though the Confederacy fell, as an actual physical power, she lives illustrated by them, eternally in her just cause—the cause of constitutional liberty. Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge, one of the present Senators from Massachusetts, in his life of Webster, says: When the Constitution was adopted by the votes of the States at Philadelphia, and accepted by the States in popular conventions, it is safe to say that there was not a man in the country, from Washington and Hamilton on the one side to George Clinton and George Mason on the other, who regarded the new system as anything but an experiment entered upon by the States, from which each and every State had the right peaceably to withdraw—a right which was very likely to be exercised
Varus (search for this): chapter 1.22
way we conducted the war in its defence, to the muse of history, and to await her verdict with calm confidence. Every day not only adds new lustre to the heroism and devotion of our people, and the achievements of our armies in the field, but rewards the researches of the unprejudiced historian with new and more convincing proofs of the justice of our cause. What are thirty years in the life of a nation? It was nearly two thousand years from the time when Arminius overcame the legions of Varus in the Black Forest of Germany before a statue was reared to the memory of that victor, and he was called the Father of the Fatherland. It was less than two hundred years from the time when Charles the II came to his own, when the principles for which Cromwell and Hampden and Pym fought were recognized by all English speaking peoples, as the only ones on which constitutional liberty ever can rest. Our defenders. Having said so much about our cause, I have only time to add a few words
S. P. Cummings (search for this): chapter 1.22
he people of the North would have voted that their cause was wrong, and that ours was consequently right. The virulence with which McClellan's campaign was conducted cannot be better illustrated than by incorporating here a notice of a political meeting to be held during that canvass. This notice recently appeared in a number of The Grand Army Record, and is as follows: Democrats once more to the breach! Grand Rally at Bushnell, Friday, November 4th, 1864. Hon. L. W. Ross, Major S. P. Cummings, T. E. Morgan, Joseph C. Thompson will address the people on the above occasion, and disclose to them the whole truth of the matter. White men of McDonough, Who prize the Constitution of our Fathers; who love the Union formed by their wisdom and compromise; Brave men who hate the Rebellion of Abraham Lincoln, and are determined to destroy it; Noble women who do not want their husbands and sons dragged to the Valley of Death by a remorseless tyrant, Rally out to this me
Robert Edward Lee (search for this): chapter 1.22
; while the wildest, most intemperate utterances of virtual treason—those which would have caused Lee's army, had it been present, to forget its hunger and rags in an ecstacy of approval—were sure tors have borne the inspection and commanded the respect of the world. Yes, the names of Davis, of Lee, of Jackson, the Johnstons, Beauregard, Ewell, Gordon, Early, Stuart, Hampton, Magruder, the Hill his life of Benton, says: The world has never seen better soldiers than those who followed Lee, and their leader will undoubtedly rank as, without any exception, the very greatest of all greatand re-echoed the thunders of artillery and the rattle of musketry amidst the ringing commands of Lee and Jackson, and the flashing, knightly sabres of Ashby, Stuart and Hampton. Here banner and pluto the names of these illustrious, though vanquished leaders, so in the ages to come, the fame of Lee, of Jackson, the Johnstons, Stuart, Ashby and others will outshine that of Grant, Sheridan and Sh
C. Chauncey Burr (search for this): chapter 1.22
idates of the Republican, or war party, and McClellan and Pendleton were those of the Democratic, or peace party. The convention which nominated McClellan and Pendleton was one of the most representative bodies that ever assembled in this country. It met in the city of Chicago on the 29th of August, 1864, with Governor Horatio Seymour, of New York, as its chairman. An idea of the temper of the convention may be gathered from an extract from one of the speeches delivered in it by Rev. C. Chauncey Burr, of New Jersey, which is as follows: We had no right to burn their wheat-fields, steal their pianos, spoons or jewelry. Mr. Lincoln had stolen a good many thousand negroes, but for every negro he had thus stolen, he had stolen ten thousand spoons. It had been said that, if the South would lay down their arms, they would be received back into the Union. The South could not honorably lay down her arms, for she was fighting for her honor. Mr. Horace Greeley says that Governor
Aetius (search for this): chapter 1.22
ng spear, are types of their nations: he rather seeks to know how the apparently unimportant action of an insignificant city, provoked the great Persian invasion. His question is, not whether Athens or Sparta bred the better soldier, but he searches the records to find out the causes of the Peloponnesian war. He does not consider whether Vercingetorix, standing a captive in the presence of Caesar, was, after all, the nobler leader; nor whether Attila at Chalons was a greater general than Aetius, nor why the sword of Brennus turned the scale on that fateful day at Rome. He is more concerned to know why the Roman legions marched so far, and why the world threw off the imperial yoke. The causes of wars test yet more deeply than conduct in the field, the characters of peoples, indicate yet more surely what hopes of peace or fears of war lie in the future, to which we are advancing. The foregoing considerations press on no people on earth more heavily than on those of the Southern
Justin McCarthy (search for this): chapter 1.22
r and heroism of the soldiers in the field, but to recount these, would consume more space than would be profitable in this discussion. That this writer was not singular in his opinions, in regard to our struggle, is manifest from what Mr. Justin McCarthy tells us in the second volume of his History of our own Times. McCarthy was evidently an ardent sympathizer with the North, and yet he says that in England the vast majority of what are called the governing classes, were on the side of thMcCarthy was evidently an ardent sympathizer with the North, and yet he says that in England the vast majority of what are called the governing classes, were on the side of the South; that by far the greater number of the aristocracy of the official world, of Members of Parliament, of Military and Naval men were for the South; that London Club life was virtually Southern; and that the most powerful papers in London, and the most popular papers as well, were open partizans of the Southern Confederation. Lord Russell said the contest was one in which the North was striving for empire, and the South for independence. Mr. Gladstone said, our President, Mr. Davis, h
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