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the same way that Texas had been annexed as a State, and Sumner again led the opposition, selecting words that were especially irritating to the executive, and charging him with trying to remove three antitreaty members of the Committee on Foreign Relations. The publication of the Motley correspondence, in January, 1871, put an end to all cooperation between the State Department and the Committee on Foreign Relations. The Alabama High Joint Commission began its sessions in Washington in February, and in March, when the new Congress met, the Senate committee was reorganized, and, in accordance with the President's wishes, Sumner was dropped as chairman. From that time Sumner was an outspoken opponent of Grant's renomination, and so bitter a critic that he was persuaded by his friends to withhold from publication an arraignment of Grant which he prepared; he circulated it privately, however. Early in 1871 he offered in the Senate a resolution to amend the Federal Constitution so
January 31st (search for this): chapter 8
Mexico, without any conditions as to slavery; declared it inexpedient to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, while it continued in Maryland, and without the consent of the people of the District, but opposed the slave-trade therein; pronounced in favor of a more efficient provision for the restitution of fugitive slaves, and asserted that Congress had no power to prohibit or abolish trade in slaves between slaveholding States. The Tribune parted from its leader at once, and on January 31 compared Clay's effort to secure peace to the man who rushed between a fighting husband and wife, and was whipped by both. No, it declared, we are not yet ready for compromise on either side. Thus far our side has lost by compromise, and gained by struggles. We know well that Mr. Clay's heart is right, and that his views are temperate and far-seeing. But their adoption by the North as its own, in the present state of the case, is quite another affair. On February 1 it added to this p
January 30th (search for this): chapter 8
re cited, and it was declared that these measures of aggression must be met. Finally, the address strenuously urged united action on the part of the South, closing thus: As the assailed, you would stand justified by all laws, human and divine, in repelling a blow so dangerous without looking to consequences, and to resort to all means necessary for that purpose. Your assailants, and not you, would be responsible for the consequences. The proceedings of these caucuses were published on January 30, and the Tribune with them printed an editorial in which it asserted that nothing was ever better adapted to the great work of arousing and fixing the North, and added: Then, as to the other monstrous grievance, the free States--shamed into manhood by the Abolitionists of various species This was anticipatory of Lincoln's declaration: I have been only the instrument. The logic and moral power of Garrison and the antislavery people of the country, and the army, have done all.--will not
January 29th (search for this): chapter 8
meet in Nashville, Tenn., in June, 1850, to deliberate on the threatened rights of the South, and talk of disunion became more wide-spread. In the North public opinion was quite as emphatic, and by July, 1849, the Legislature of every free State but Iowa had instructed its representatives in Congress to vote against the introduction of slavery in territories where it was not already authorized. In January, 1850, President Taylor recommended to Congress the admission of California. On January 29 of that year Clay introduced his famous compromise resolutions. They favored the admission of California, and the establishment of territorial governments in lands acquired from Mexico, without any conditions as to slavery; declared it inexpedient to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, while it continued in Maryland, and without the consent of the people of the District, but opposed the slave-trade therein; pronounced in favor of a more efficient provision for the restitution of
January 27th (search for this): chapter 6
s of Association, in order to lay their principles before the public. Its authorship is entirely distinct from that of the Tribune. The Tribune had little to say on the subject while it was publishing the Brisbane essays, but on January 20, 1843, the Fourier Association of the City of New York was formed, and Greeley was the first-named director of the North American Phalanx, organized soon after, with a capital of $400,000, to put the Association idea into practise, and the Tribune of January 27, in that year, said: We can not but believe that Association, with its concert of action, its unity of interests, its vast economies, and its more effective application of labor and other means of production will be extremely profitable, and offer to those who enter it not only a safe and lucrative investment of their capital and a most advantageous field for their industry and skill, but social and intellectual enjoyments, and every means of a superior education of their children. The Br
January 23rd (search for this): chapter 8
ncertain, Albert Rust, of Arkansas, introduced a resolution declaring it the sentiment of the House that Banks (who lacked only three or four votes of election) and the three other leading candidates should forbid the use of their names any longer. Greeley considered this attempt to dictate to the House a gross outrage, and called it, in his correspondence with the Tribune, a more discreditable proposition than I had ever known gravely submitted to a legislative body. Thereupon Rust, on January 23, struck Greeley several blows with his fist as the editor was walking through the Capitol grounds, and repeated the assault when Greeley came up with him on his way to his hotel, breaking a cane over his critic's arm and inflicting on him a severe bruise. Greeley refused to prosecute his assailant, saying that he did not choose to be beaten for money, and that he did not think an antislavery editor could get justice in a Washington court. It was in 1856 also that the Tribune was indict
January 22nd (search for this): chapter 6
by recalling the excitement caused by the act of 1816 increasing the pay of members (including those then in office) from $6 a day to $1,500 a year (Clay's vote for this bill nearly causing his defeat for reelection), and the outburst of denunciation of the Congress which, in 1873, passed the so-called salary grab bill. But the mileage abuse was not the only one to which Greeley drew attention. The waste of time was a constant subject of comment in his editorial correspondence, and on January 22 he moved an amendment to the general appropriation bill providing that members should not be paid when absent from their seats except in case of sickness or when employed elsewhere in public business, and he made a vain attempt to save the bonus of $250 which it had been customary to vote to the House employees. The value of the attention which the seven-years'-old Tribune attracted all over the country because of its editor's course in Congress could not well be overestimated, and an ind
January 16th (search for this): chapter 6
ent of a committee to inquire whether the Tribune's charges did not amount to an allegation of fraud against the members, and to report whether they were false or true. Turner charged the editor-member-whom he alluded to as perhaps the gentleman, or rather the individual, perhaps the thing --with seeking notoriety, and being engaged in a very small business. Greeley took part in the ensuing debate, holding tenaciously to the main point of his disclosure. The discussion continued until January 16, when the committee made a report exonerating the members, and there the matter practically dropped. Greeley was accused, during the discussion, of employing in his newspaper correspondence time that he should have devoted to the public business in the House, and a fierce and somewhat embarrassing attack was made on him concerning a vote which he gave on an appropriation for the purchase of certain books-archives, debates, etc.-with which it was customary to supply members. He certainly
January 16th (search for this): chapter 8
istent with, and fatal to, the preservation of perfect freedom for any. Greeley's greatest effort in behalf of a presidential candidate was made for Clay, whose name he had kept at the head of his editorial page throughout 1843, and for whose election he labored the next year as he never labored again. Clay's status as a slave-owner was the subject of attacks (which the Tribune called a foul conspiracy ) by the Democrats and the Liberty men, both before and after his nomination, and on January 16, 1843, the Tribune stated its own view of the matter thus: Let no one pervert our position. We do not say the citizens of the free States have no means, no power, no right to act adversely upon slavery. They have means and powers which existed antecedently to the Constitution, and were not affected by it. The right to speak and write and labor, as men, against any moral wrong, is anterior (might we not say superior) to all government . . . We can excuse the thoroughgoing Abolition
January 12th (search for this): chapter 8
ion, Law, Reason, are all against it. ... If the slavery propagandists are ready for the inevitable struggle, let no retreat be beaten by the champions of universal Freedom. The people are looking on. The New York Evening Post, on January 4, 1850, charged that the editor of the Tribune, before he got home from Congress, was willing to divide the new territories with the slaveholders upon equitable terms. Greeley was out of town when this appeared, but on his return, in the Tribune of January 12, he made his oft-quoted reply: You lie, villain! wilfully, wickedly, basely lie! The editor of the Tribune was never willing to divide the territories with the slaveholders on any terms whatever. On December 23, 1848, a secret conference of the Senators and Representatives from the Southern States was held in the Senate chamher, and, after a number of adjourned meetings, a long address to their constituents was adopted, a motion to table the subject being lost by a vote of yeas, 28;
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