The voyage and travell of M. Caesar Fredericke, Marchant of Venice, into the East India, and beyond the Indies. Wherein are conteined the customes and rites of those countries, the merchandises and commodities, aswell of golde and silver, as spices, drugges, pearles, and other jewels: translated out of Italian by M. Thomas Hickocke.
Caesar Fredericke to the Reader.
I HAVING (gentle Reader) for the space of eighteene yeeres
continually coasted and travelled, as it were, all the East
Indies, and many other countreys beyond the Indies,
wherein I have had both good and ill successe in my
travels: and having scene & understood many things
woorthy the noting, and to be knowen to all the world,
the which were never as yet written of any: I thought
it good (seeing the Almighty had given me grace, after
so long perils in passing such a long voyage to returne
into mine owne countrey, the noble city of Venice
) I say,
I thought it good, as briefly as I could, to write and set
forth this voyage made by me, with the marvellous things
I have seene in my travels in the Indies : The mighty
Princes that governe those countreys, their religion and
faith that they have, the rites and customes which they
use, and live by, of the divers successe that happened
unto me, and how many of these countreys are abounding
with spices, drugs, and jewels, giving also profitable
advertisement to all those that have a desire to make
such a voyage. And because that the whole world may
more commodiously rejoyce at this my travell, I have
caused it to be printed in this order: and now I present
it unto you (gentle & loving Readers) to whom for the
varieties of things heerein conteined, I hope that it shall
be with great delight received. And thus God of his
goodnesse keepe you.
A voyage to the East Indies, and beyond the Indies, &c.
IN the yere of our Lord God 1563, I Caesar Fredericke
being in Venice
, and very desirous to see the East parts
of the world, shipped my selfe in a shippe called the
Gradaige of Venice, with certaine marchandise, governed
by M. Jacomo Vatica, which was bound to Cyprus
with
his ship, with whom I went: and when we were arrived
in Cyprus
, I left that ship, and went in a lesser to Tripoly
in Soria
, where I stayed a while. Afterward I tooke my
journey to Alepo, and there I acquainted my selfe with
marchants of Armenia
, and Moores, that were marchants,
and consorted to go with them to Ormus, and wee
departed from Alepo, and in two dayes journey and a
halfe, wee came to a city called Bir.
Of the city called Bir.
BIR is a small city very scarse of all maner of victuals,
and nere unto the walles of the city runneth the river of
Euphrates
. In this city the marchants divide themselves
into companies, according to their merchandise that they
have, and there either they buy or make a boat to carry
them and their goods to Babylon downe the river
Euphrates
, with charge of a master and mariners to
conduct the boat in the voyage: these boats are in a
maner flat bottomed, yet they be very strong: and for
all that they are so strong, they will serve but for one
voyage. They are made according to the sholdnesse of
the river, because that the river is in many places full
of great stones, which greatly hinder and trouble those
that goe downe the river. These boats serve but for one
voyage downe the river unto a village called Feluchia,
because it is impossible to bring them up the river backe
againe. At Feluchia the marchants plucke their boats
in pieces, or else sell them for a small price, for that at
Bir they cost the marchants forty or fifty chickens a piece,
and they sel them at Feluchia for seven or eight chickens
a piece, because that when the marchants returne from
Babylon backe againe, if they have marchandise or goods
that oweth custome, then they make their returne in forty
dayes thorow the wildernesse, passing that way with a
great deale lesser charges then the other way. And if
they have not marchandise that oweth custome, then they
goe by the way of Mosul, where it costeth them great
charges both the Carovan and company. From Bir
where the marchants imbarke themselves to Feluchia over
against Babylon, if the river have good store of water,
they shall make their voyage in fifteene or eighteene
dayes downe the river, and if the water be lowe, and it
hath not rained, then it is much trouble, and it will be
forty or fifty dayes journey downe, because that when the
barks strike on the stones that be in the river, then they
must unlade them, which is great trouble, and then lade
them againe when they have mended them : therefore it
is not necessary, neither doe the marchants go with one
boat alone, but with two or three, that if one boat split
and be lost with striking on the sholdes, they may have
another ready to take in their goods, untill such time as
they have mended the broken boat, and if they draw the
broken boat on land to mend her, it is hard to defend her
in the night from the great multitude of Arabians that
will come downe there to robbe you: and in the rivers
every night, when you make fast your boat to the banckeside, you must keepe good watch against the Arabians
which are theeves in number like to ants, yet when they
come to robbe, they will not kill, but steale & run away.
Harquebuzes are very good weapons against them, for
that they stand greatly in feare of the shot. And as you
passe the river Euphrates
from Bir to Feluchia, there are
certein places which you must passe by, where you pay
custome certaine medines upon a bale, which custome is
belonging to the sonne of Aborise king of the Arabians
and of the desert, who hath certain cities and villages
on the river Euphrates
.
Feluchia and Babylon.
FELUCHIA is a village where they that come from Bir doe
unbarke themselves and unlade their goods, and it is
distant from Babylon a dayes journey and an halfe by
land: Babylon is no great city, but it is very populous,
and of great trade of strangers because it is a great
thorowfare for Persia, Turkia, and Arabia
: and very
often times there goe out from thence Carovans into
divers countreys: and the city is very copious of victuals,
which comme out of Armenia
downe the river of Tygris,
on certaine Zattares or Raffes made of blowen hides or
skinnes called Utrii. This river Tygris doeth wash the
walles of the city. These Raffes are bound fast together,
and then they lay boards on the aforesayd blowen skinnes,
and on the boards they lade the commodities, and so
come they to Babylon, where they unlade them, and being
unladen, they let out the winde out of the skinnes, and
lade them on cammels to make another voyage. This
city of Babylon is situate in the kingdome of Persia, but
now governed by the Turks. On the other side of the
river towards Arabia
, over against the city, there is a
faire place or towne, and in it a faire Bazarro for marchants, with very many lodgings, where the greatest part
of the marchants strangers which come to Babylon do
lie with their marchandize. The passing over Tygris
from Babylon to this Borough is by a long bridge made
of boates chained together with great chaines : provided,
that when the river waxeth great with the abundance of
raine that falleth, then they open the bridge in the middle,
where the one halfe of the bridge falleth to the walles of
Babylon, and the other to the brinks of this Borough,
on the other side of the river: and as long as the bridge
is open, they passe the river in small boats with great
danger, because of the smalnesse of the boats, and the
overlading of them, that with the fiercenesse of the
streame they be overthrowen, or els the streame doth
cary them away, so that by this meanes, many people
are lost and drowned: this thing by proofe I have many
times seene.
Of the tower of Babylon.
THE Tower of Nimrod or Babel is situate on that side
of Tygris that Arabia
is, and in a very great plaine
distant from Babylon seven or eight miles: which tower
is ruinated on every side, and with the falling of it there
is made a great mountaine: so that it hath no forme at
all, yet there is a great part of it standing, which is
compassed and almost covered with the aforesayd fallings: this Tower was builded and made of fouresquare
Brickes, which Brickes were made of earth, and dried
in the Sunne in maner and forme following: first they
layed a lay of Brickes, then a Mat made of Canes, square
as the Brickes, and in stead of lime, they daubed it with
earth: these Mats of Canes are at this time so strong,
that it is a thing woonderfull to beholde, being of such
great antiquity: I have gone round about it, and have
not found any place where there hath bene any doore or
entrance: it may be in my judgement in circuit about a
mile, and rather lesse then more.
This Tower in effect is contrary to all other things
which are seene afar off, for they seeme small, & the
more nere a man commeth to them the bigger they be:
but this tower afar off seemeth a very great thing, and
the nerer you come to it the lesser. My judgement &
reason of this is, that because the Tower is set in a very
great plaine, and hath nothing more about to make any
shew saving the ruines of it which it hath made round
about, and for this respect descrying it a farre off, that
piece of the Tower which yet standeth with the mountaine that is made of the substance that hath fallen from
it, maketh a greater shew then you shall finde comming
neere to it.
Babylon and Basora.
FROM Babylon I departed for Basora, shipping my selfe
in one of the barks that use to go in the river Tigris
from Babylon to Basora, and from Basora to Babylon:
which barks are made after the maner of Fusts or Galliots
with a Speron and a covered poope: they have no pumpe
in them because of the great abundance of pitch which
they have to pitch them with all: which pitch they have
in abundance two dayes journey from Babylon. Nere
unto the river Euphrates
, there is a city called Heit, nere
unto which city there is a great plaine full of pitch, very
marvellous to beholde, and a thing almost incredible, that
out of a hole in the earth, which continually throweth out
pitch into the aire with continuall smoake, this pitch is
throwen with such force, that being hot it falleth like
as it were sprinckled over all the plaine, in such abundance that the plaine is alwayes full of pitch: the Mores
and the Arabians of that place say, that that hole is the
mouth of hell: and in trueth, it is a thing very notable
to be marked: and by this pitch the whole people have
great benefit to pitch their barks, which barks they call
Daneck and Saffin. When the river of Tygris is well
replenished with water, you may passe from Babylon to
Basora in eight or nine dayes, and sometimes more and
sometimes lesse: we were halfe so much more which is
14 or 15 daies, because the waters were low: they may
saile day & night, and there are some places in this way
where you pay so many medins on a baile: if the waters
be lowe, it is 18 dayes journey.
Basora.
BASORA is a city of the Arabians, which of olde time
was governed by those Arabians called Zizarii, but now
it is governed by the great Turke where he keepeth an
army to his great charges.
The Arabians called Zizarii have the possession of a
great countrey, and cannot be overcome of the Turke,
because that the sea hath divided their countrey into an
Iland by channels with the ebbing and flowing of the
sea, and for that cause the Turke cannot bring an army
against them, neither by sea nor by land, and another
reason is, the inhabitants of that Iland are very strong
and warlike men. A dayes journey before you come to
Basora, you shall have a little castle or fort, which is
set on that point of the land where the rivers of Euphrates
and Tygris meet together, and the castle is called Corna
:
at this point, the two rivers make a monstrous great
river, that runneth into the sea, which is called the gulfe
of Persia, which is towards the South: Basora is distant
from the sea fifteene miles, and it is a city of great trade
of spices and drugges which come from Ormus. Also
there is great store of corne, Rice, and Dates, which the
countrey doth yeeld. I shipped my selfe in
Basora to go
for Ormus, and so we sailed thorow the
Persian sea six
hundred miles, which is the distance from Basora to
Ormus, and we sailed in small ships made of boards,
bound together with small cords or ropes, and in stead
of calking they lay betweene every board certaine straw
which they have, and so they sowe board and board
together, with the straw betweene, wherethorow there
commeth much water, and they are very dangerous.
Departing from Basora we passed 200 miles with the sea
on our right hand, along the gulfe, until at length we
arrived at an Iland called Carichii, fro whence we sailed
to Ormus in sight of the Persian shore on the left side,
and on the right side towards Arabia
we discovered
infinite Ilands.
Ormus.
ORMUS is an Iland in circuit five and twenty or thirty
miles, and it is the barrenest and most drie Iland in all
the world, because that in it there is nothing to be had,
but salt water, and wood, all other things necessary for
mans life are brought out of Persia twelve miles off, and
out of other Ilands neere thereunto adjoyning, in such
abundance and quantity, that the city is alwayes replenished with all maner of store: there is standing neere
unto the waters side a very faire castell, in the which the
captaine of the king of Portugall is alwayes resident with
a good band of Portugalles, and before this castell is a
very faire prospect : in the city dwell the maried men,
souldiers and merchants of every nation, amongst whom
there are Moores and Gentiles. In this city there is very
great trade for all sorts of spices, drugges, silke, cloth
of silke, brocardo, and divers other sorts of marchandise
come out of Persia: and amongst all other trades of
merchandise, the trade of Horses is very great there,
which they carry from thence into the Indies. This Iland
hath a Moore
king of the race of the Persians, who is
created and made king by the Captaine of the castle, in
the name of the king of Portugall. At the creation of
this king I was there, and saw the ceremonies that they
use in it, which are as followeth. The olde King being
dead, the Captaine of the Portugals chuseth another of
the blood royall, and maketh this election in the castle
with great ceremonies, and when hee is elected, the Captaine sweareth him to be true and faithfull to the King
of Portugall, as his Lord and Governour, and then he
giveth him the Scepter regall. After this with great
feasting & pompe, and with great company, he is brought
into the royall palace in the city. This King keepeth
a good traine, and hath sufficient revenues to maintaine
himselfe without troubling of any, because the Captaine
of the castle doeth mainteine and defend his right, and
when that the Captaine and he ride together, he is
honoured as a king, yet he cannot ride abroad with his
traine, without the consent of the Captaine first had: it
behooveth them to doe this, and it is necessary, because
of the great trade that is in the city: their proper
language is the Persian tongue. There I shipped my
selfe to goe for Goa, a city in the Indies, in a shippe
that had fourescore horses in her. This is to advertise
those Marchants that go from Ormus to Goa to shippe
themselves in those shippes that carry horses, because
every shippe that carrieth twenty horses or upwards is
privileged, that all the marchandise whatsoever they carry
shall pay no custome, whereas the shippes that carry
no horses are bound to pay eight per cento of all the
goods they bring.
Goa, Diu, and Cambaia.
GOA is the principall city that the Portugals have in the
Indies, where is resident the Viceroy with his Court and
ministers of the King of Portugall. From Ormus to Goa
is nine hundred foure score and ten miles distance, in
which passage the first city that you come to in the
Indies, is called Diu, and is situate in a little Iland in
the kingdome of Cambaia, which is the greatest strength
that the Portugals have in all the Indies, yet a small
city, but of great trade, because there they lade very
many great ships for the straights of Mecca
and Ormus
with marchandise, and these shippes belong to the Moores
and Christians, but the Moores can not trade neither
saile into those seas without the licence of the Viceroy
of the king of Portugall, otherwise they are taken and
made good prises. The marchandise that they lade these
ships withall commeth from Cambaietta a port in the
kingdome of Cambaia, which they bring from thence in
small barks, because there can no great shippes come
thither, by reason of the sholdnesse of the water thereabouts, and these sholds are an hundred or fourescore
miles about in a straight or gulfe, which they call
Macareo, which is as much to say, as a race of a tide,
because the waters there run out of that place without
measure, so that there is no place like to it, unlesse it
be in the kingdome of Pegu
, where there is another
Macareo, where the waters run out with more force then
these doe. The principall city in
Cambaia is called
Amadavar, it is a dayes journey and an halfe from Cambaietta, it is a very great city and very populous, and
for a city of the Gentiles it is very well made and builded
with faire houses and large streets, with a faire place in it
with many shippes, and in shew like to Cairo
, but not so
great: also Cambaietta is situate on the seas side, and
is a very faire city. The time that I was there, the city
was in great calamity & scarsenesse, so that I have seene
the men of the countrey that were Gentiles take their
children, their sonnes and their daughters, and have
desired the Portugals to buy them, and I have seene
them sold for eight or ten larines a piece, which may be
of our money x.s. or xiii.s. iiii.d. For all this, if I had
not seene it, I could not have beleeved that there should
be such a trade at
Cambaietta as there is : for in the
time of every new Moone and every full Moone, the small
barks (innumerable) come in and out, for at those times
of the Moone the tides and waters are higher then at
other times they be. These barkes be laden with all
sorts of spices, with silke of China
, with Sandols, with
Elephants teeth, Velvets of Vercini, great quantity of
Pannina, which commeth from Mecca
, Chickinos which
be pieces of golde woorth seven shillings a piece sterling,
with money, and with divers sorts of other marchandize.
Also these barks lade out, as it were, an infinite quantity
of cloth made of Bumbast of all sorts, as white stamped
and painted, with great quantity of Indico, dried ginger
& conserved, Myrabolans drie and condite, Boraso in
paste, great store of sugar, great quantity of Cotton,
abundance of Opium, Assa Fetida, Puchio, with many
other sorts of drugges, turbants made in
Dui, great
stones like to Corneolaes, Granats, Agats, Diaspry, Calcidonii, Hematists, and some kinde of naturall Diamonds.
There is in the city of Cambaietta an order, but no man
is bound to keepe it, but they that will; but all the
Portugall marchants keepe it, the which is this. There
are in this city certain Brokers which are Gentiles and
of great authority, and have every one of them fifteene
or twenty servants, and the Marchants that use that
countrey have their Brokers, with which they be served:
and they that have not bene there are informed by their
friends of the order, and of what broker they shall be
served. Now every fifteene dayes (as abovesayd) that the
fleet of small shippes entreth into the port, the Brokers
come to the water side, and these Marchants assoone as
they are come on land, do give the cargason of all their
goods to that Broker that they will have to do their
businesse for them, with the marks of all the fardles and
packs they have: and the marchant having taken on
land all his furniture for his house, because it is needfull
that the Marchants that trade to the Indies cary provision of housholde with them, because that in every
place where they come they must have a new house, the
Broker that hath received his cargason, commandeth his
servants to carry the Marchants furniture for his house
home, and load it on some cart, and carry it into the
city, where the Brokers have divers empty houses meet
for the lodging of Marchants, furnished onely with bedsteds, tables, chaires, and empty jarres for water: then
the Broker sayth to the Marchant, Goe and repose your
selfe, and take your rest in the city. The Broker tarrieth
at the water side with the cargason, and causeth all his
goods to be discharged out of the ship, and payeth the
custome, and causeth it to be brought into the house
where the marchant lieth, the Marchant not knowing any
thing thereof, neither custome, nor charges. These goods
being brought to this passe into the house of the Marchant, the Broker demandeth of the Marchant if he have
any desire to sell his goods or marchandise, at the prises
that such wares are worth at that present time? And if
he hath a desire to sell his goods presently, then at that
instant the Broker selleth them away. After this the
Broker sayth to the Marchant, you have so much of
every sort of marchandise neat and cleare of every
charge, and so much ready money. And if the Marchant
will imploy his money in other commodities, then the
Broker telleth him that such and such commodities will
cost so much, put aboord without any maner of charges.
The Marchant understanding the effect, maketh his
account; and if he thinke to buy or sell at the prices
currant, he giveth order to make his marchandise away:
and if he hath commodity for 20000 dukets, all shalbe
bartred or solde away in fifteene dayes without any care
or trouble: and when as the Marchant thinketh that he
cannot sell his goods at the prise currant, he may tary
as long as he will, but they cannot be solde by any man
but by that Broker that hath taken them on land and
payed the custome: and perchance tarying sometimes
for sale of their commodity, they make good profit, and
sometimes losse: but those marchandise that come not
ordinarily every fifteene dayes, in tarying for the sale of
them, there is great profit. The barks that lade in
Cambaietta go for Diu to ade the ships that go from thence
for the streights of Mecca
and Ormus, and some go to
Chaul and Goa: and these ships be very wel appointed,
or els are guarded by the Armada of the Portugals, for
that there are many Corsaries or Pyrats which goe coursing alongst that coast, robbing and spoiling: and for
feare of these theeves there is no safe sailing in those
seas, but with ships very well appointed and armed, or
els with the fleet of the Portugals, as is aforesayd. In
fine, the kingdome of Cambaia is a place of great trade,
and hath much doings and traffique with all men,
although hitherto it hath bene in the hands of tyrants,
because that at 75 yeeres of age the true king being at
the assault of Diu, was there slaine; whose name Sultan
Badu. At that time foure or five captaines of the army
divided the kingdome amongst themselves, and every one
of them shewed in his countrey what tyranny he could:
but twelve yeeres ago the great Mogol a Moore
king of
Agra and Delly, forty dayes journy within the land of
Amadavar, because the governour of all the kingdome
of Cambaia without any resistance, because he being of
great power and force, devising which way to enter the
land with his people, there was not any man that would
make him any resistance, although they were tyrants and
a beastly people, they were soone brought under obedience. During the time I dwelt in
Cambaietta I saw very
marvellous things : there were an infinite number of
artificers that made bracelets called Mannii, or bracelets
of elephants teeth, of divers colours, for the women of
the Gentiles, which have their armes full decked with
them. And in this occupation there are spent every yeere
many thousands of crownes: the reason whereof is this,
that when there dieth any whatsoever of their kindred,
then in signe and token of mourning and sorrow, they
breake all their bracelets from their armes, and presently
they go and buy new againe, because that they had rather
be without their meat then without their bracelets.
Daman
. Basan. Tana
.
HAVING passed Diu, I came to the second city that the
Portugals have, called Daman
, situate in the territory
of Cambaia, distant from Diu an hundred and twenty
miles: it is no towne of merchandise, save Rice and
come, and hath many villages under it, where in time
of peace the Portugals take their pleasure, but in time
of warre the enemies have the spoile of them; in such
wise that the Portugals have little benefit by them. Next
unto Daman
you shall have Basan, which is a filthy
place in respect of Daman
: in this place is Rice, Corne,
and Timber to make shippes and gallies. And a small
distance beyond Basan is a little Iland called Tana
, a
place very populous with Portugals, Moores, and Gentiles: these have nothing but Rice, there are many makers
of Armesine, and weavers of girdles of wooll and bumbast
blacke and redde like to Moocharies.
Of the cities of Chaul, and of the Palmer tree.
BEYOND this Iland you shall finde Chaul in the firme
land; and they are two cities, one of the Portugals, and
the other of the Moores: that city which the Portugals
have is situate lower then the other, and governeth the
mouth of the harbour, and is very strongly walled: and
as it were a mile and an halfe distant from this is the
city of Moores, governed by their king Zamalluco. In
the time of warres there cannot any great ships come to
the city of the Moores, because the Portugals with their
ordinance will sincke them, for that they must perforce
passe by the castles of the Portugals : both the cities are
ports of the sea, and are great cities, and have unto them
great traffique and trade of merchandise, of all sorts of
spices, drugges, silke, cloth of silke, Sandols, Marsine,
Versine, Porcelane of China, Velvets and Scarlets that
come from Portugall, and from Mecca
: with many other
sortes of merchandise. There come every yeere from
Cochin, and from Cananor tenne or fifteene great shippes
laden with great Nuts cured, and with Sugar made of the
selfe same Nuts called Giagra: the tree whereon these
Nuts doe grow is called the Palmer tree: and thorowout
all the Indies, and especially from this place to Goa there
is great abundance of them, and it is like to the Date
tree. In the whole world there is not a tree more profitable and of more goodnesse then this tree is, neither doe
men reape so much benefit of any other tree as they do
of this, there is not any part of it but serveth for some
use, and none of it is woorthy to be burnt. With the
timber of this tree they make shippes without the mixture
of any other tree, and with the leaves thereof they make
sailes, and with the fruit thereof, which be a kinde of
Nuts, they make wine, and of the wine they make Sugar
and Placetto, which wine they gather in the spring of
the yeere: out of the middle of the tree where continually
there goeth or runneth out white liquour like unto water,
in that time of the yeere they put a vessell under every
tree, and every evening and morning they take it away
full, and then distilling it with fire it maketh a very
strong liquour: and then they put it into buts, with a
quantity of Zibibbo, white or blacke and in short time
it is made a perfect wine. After this they make of the
Nuts great store of oile: of the tree they make great
quantity of boordes and quarters for buildings. Of the
barke of this tree they make cables, ropes, and other
furniture for shippes, and, as they say, these ropes be
better then they that are made of Hempe. They make
of the bowes, bedsteds, after the Indies fashion, and
Scavasches for merchandise. The leaves they cut very
small, and weave them, and so make sailes of them, for
all maner of shipping, or els very fine mats. And then
the first rinde of the Nut they stampe, and make thereof
perfect Ockam to calke shippes, great and small: and
of the hard barke thereof they make spoones and other
vessels for meat, in such wise that there is no part thereof
throwen away or cast to the fire. When these Mats be
greene they are full of an excellent sweet water to drinke:
and if a man be thirsty, with the liquour of one of the
Mats he may satisfie himselfe : and as this Nut ripeneth,
the liquor thereof turneth all to kernell. There goeth
out of Chaul for Mallaca, for the Indies, for Macao
, for
Portugall, for the coasts of Melinde, for Ormus, as it
were an infinite number and quantity of goods and
merchandise that come out of the kingdome of Cambaia.
as cloth of bumbast white, painted, printed, great
quantity of Indico, Opium, Cotton, Silke of every sort,
great store of Boraso in Paste, great store of Fetida,
great store of yron, corne, and other merchandise. The Moore
king Zamalluco is of great power, as one that at
need may command, & hath in his camp, two hundred
thousand men of warre, and hath great store of artillery,
some of them made in pieces, which for their greatnesse
can not bee carried to and fro; yet although they bee
made in pieces, they are so commodious that they worke
with them marvellous well, whose shotte is of stone, and
there hath bene of that shot sent unto the king of Portugall for the rarenes of the thing. The city where the
king Zamalluco hath his being, is within the land of
Chaul seven or eight dayes journey, which city is called
Abneger. Threescore and tenne miles from Chaul,
towards the Indies, is the port of Dabul, an haven of
the king Zamalluco: from thence to Goa is an hundred
and fifty miles.
Goa.
GOA is the principall city that the Portugals have in the
Indies, wherein the Viceroy with his royall Court is resident, and is in an Iland which may be in circuit five and
twenty or thirty miles: and the city with the boroughs
is reasonable bigge, and for a citie of the Indies it is
reasonable faire, but the Iland is farre more fairer: for
it is as it were full of goodly gardens, replenished with
divers trees and with the Palmer trees as is aforesayd.
This city is of great trafique for all sorts of marchandise
which they trade withall in those parts: and the fleet
which commeth every yeere from Portugall, which are
five or sixe great shippes that come directly for Goa,
arrive there ordinarily the sixth or tenth of September,
and there they remain forty or fifty dayes, and from
thence they goe to Cochin, where they lade for Portugall,
and often times they lade one shippe at Goa and the
other at Cochin for Portugall. Cochin is distant from
Goa three hundred miles. The city of Goa is situate in
the kingdome of Dialcan a king of the Moores, whose
chiefe city is up in the countrey eight dayes journey, and
is called Bisapor: this king is of great power, for when
I was in Goa in the yeere of our Lord 1570, this king
came to give assault to Goa, being encamped neere unto
it by a river side with an army of two hundred thousand
men of warre, and he lay at this siege foureteene
moneths: in which time there was peace concluded, and
as report went amongst his people, there was great
calamity and mortality which bred amongst them in the
time of Winter, and also killed very many elephants.
Then in the yeere of our Lord 1567, I went from Goa
to Bezeneger the chiefe city of the kingdome of Narsinga
eight dayes journey from Goa, within the land, in the
company of two other merchants which carried with them
three hundred Arabian horses to that king: because the
horses of that countrey are of a small stature, and they
pay well for the Arabian horses : and it is requisite that
the merchants sell them well, for that they stand them
in great charges to bring them out of Persia to Ormus,
and from Ormus to Goa, where the ship that bringeth
twenty horses and upwards payeth no custome, neither
ship nor goods whatsoever; whereas if they bring no
horses, they pay 8 per cento of all their goods: and at
the going out of Goa the horses pay custome, two and
forty pagodies for every horse, which pagody may be of
sterling money sixe shillings eight pence, they be pieces
of golde of that value. So that the Arabian horses are
of great value in those countreys, as 300, 400, 500
duckets a horse, and to 1000 duckets a horse.
Bezeneger.
THE city of Bezeneger was sacked in the yeere 1565,
by foure kings of the Moores, which were of great power
and might: the names of these foure kings were these
following, the first was called Dialcan, the second Zamaluc, the third Cotamaluc, and the fourth Viridy: and
yet these foure kings were not able to overcome this city
and the king of Bezeneger, but by treason. This king
of Bezeneger was a Gentile, and had, amongst all other
of his captaines, two which were notable, and they were
Moores: and these two captaines had either of them in
charge threescore and ten or fourescore thousand men.
These two captaines being of one religion with the foure
kings which were Moores, wrought meanes with them
to betray their owne king into their hands. The king
of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the foure kings
his enemies, but went out of his city to wage battell
with them in the fieldes; and when the armies were
joyned, the battell lasted but a while not the space of
foure houres, because the two traitourous captaines, in
the chiefest of the fight, with their companies turned
their faces against their king, and made such disorder
in his army, that as astonied they set themselves to
flight. Thirty yeeres was this kingdome governed by
three brethren which were tyrants, the which keeping the
rightfull king in prison, it was their use every yeere once
to shew him to the people, and they at their pleasures
ruled as they listed. These brethren were three cap
taines belonging to the father of the king they kept in
prison, which when he died, left his sonne very yong,
and then they tooke the government to themselves. The
chiefest of these three was called Ramaragio, and sate
in the royall throne, and was called the king: the second
was called Temiragio, and he tooke the government on
him: the third was called Bengatre, and he was captaine
generall of the army. These three brethren were in this
battell, in the which the chiefest and the last were never
heard of quicke nor dead. Onely Temiragio fled in the
battel, having lost one of his eyes: when the newes
came to the city of the overthrow in the battell, the wives
and children of these three tyrants, with their lawfull
king (kept prisoner) fled away, spoiled as they were, &
the foure kings of the Moores entred the city Bezeneger
with great triumph, & there they remained sixe moneths,
searching under houses & in all places for money & other
things that were hidden, and then they departed to their
owne kingdomes, because they were not able to maintaine such a kingdome as that was, so farre distant from
their owne countrey.
When the kings were departed from Bezeneger, this
Temiragio returned to the city, and then beganne for
to repopulate it, and sent word to Goa to the Merchants,
if they had any horses, to bring them to him, and he
would pay well for them, and for this cause the aforesayd two Merchants that I went in company withall,
carried those horses that they had to Bezeneger. Also
this Tyrant made an order or lawe, that if any Merchant
had any of the horses that were taken in the aforesayd
battell or warres, although they were of his owne marke,
that he would give as much for them as they would: and
beside he gave generall safe conduct to all that should
bring them. When by this meanes he saw that there
were great store of horses brought thither unto him, hee
gave the Merchants faire wordes, untill such time as he
saw they could bring no more. Then he licenced the
Merchants to depart, without giving them any thing for
their horses, which when the poore men saw, they were
desperate, and as it were mad with sorrow and griefe.
I rested in Bezeneger seven moneths, although in one
moneth I might have discharged all my businesse, for
it was necessary to rest there untill the wayes were cleere
of theeves, which at that time ranged up and downe.
And in the time I rested there, I saw many strange and
beastly deeds done by the Gentiles. First, when there
is any Noble man or woman dead, they burne their
bodies: and if a married man die, his wife must burne
herselfe alive, for the love of her husband, and with the
body of her husband: so that when any man dieth, his
wife will take a moneths leave, two or three, or as shee
will, to burne her selfe in, and that day being come,
wherein shee ought to be burnt, that morning shee goeth
out of her house very earely, either on horsebacke or
on an eliphant, or else is borne by eight men on a smal
stage: in one of these orders she goeth, being apparelled
like to a Bride, carried round about the City, with her
haire downe about her shoulders, garnished with jewels
and flowers, according to the estate of the party, and
they goe with as great joy as Brides doe in Venice
to
their nuptials : shee carrieth in her left hand a looking
glasse, and in her right hand an arrow, and singeth
thorow the City as she passeth, and sayth, that she goeth
to sleepe with her deere spowse and husband. She is
accompanied with her kindred and friends untill it be
one or two of the clocke in the afternoone, then they
goe out of the City, and going along the rivers side
called Nigondin, which runneth under the walles of the
City, untill they come unto a place where they use to
make this burning of women, being widdowes, there is
prepared in this place a great square cave, with a little
pinnacle hard by it, foure or five steppes up: the foresayd cave is full of dried wood. The woman being come
thither, accompanied with a great number of people which
come to see the thing, then they make ready a great
banquet, and she that shall be burned eateth with as
great joy and gladnesse, as though it were her wedding
day: and the feast being ended, then they goe to dancing
and singing a certeine time, according as she will. After
this, the woman of her owne accord, commandeth them
to make the fire in the square cave where the drie wood
is, and when it is kindled, they come and certifie her
thereof, then presently she leaveth the feast, and taketh
the neerest kinseman of her husband by the hand, and
they both goe together to the banke of the foresayd river,
where shee putteth off all her jewels and all her clothes,
and giveth them to her parents or kinsefolke, and covering herselfe with a cloth, because she will not be seene
of the people being naked, she throweth herselfe into
the river, saying: O wretches, wash away your sinnes.
Comming out of the water, she rowleth herselfe into a
yellow cloth of foureteene braces long: and againe she
taketh her husbands kinseman by the hand, and they go
both together up to the pinnacle of the square cave
wherein the fire is made. When she is on the pinnacle,
shee talketh and reasoneth with the people, recommending unto them her children and kindred. Before the
pinnacle they use to set a mat, because they shall not
see the fiercenesse of the fire, yet there are many that
will have them plucked away, shewing therein an heart
not fearefull, and that they are not affrayd of that sight.
When this silly woman hath reasoned with the people a
good while to her content, there is another woman that
taketh a pot with oile, and sprinckleth it over her head,
and with the same she anoynteth all her body, and afterwards throweth the pot into the fornace, and both the
woman and the pot goe together into the fire, and
presently the people that are round about the fornace
throw after her into the cave great pieces of wood, so
by this meanes, with the fire and with the blowes that
she hath with the wood throwen after her, she is quickly
dead, and after this there groweth such sorrow and such
lamentation among the people, that all their mirth is
turned into howling and weeping, in such wise, that a
man could scarse beare the hearing of it. I have seene
many burnt in this maner, because my house was neere
to the gate where they goe out to the place of burning:
and when there dieth any great man, his wife with all
his slaves with whom hee hath had carnall copulation,
burne themselves together with him. Also in this kingdome I have seene amongst the base sort of people this
use and order, that the man being dead, hee is carried
to the place where they will make his sepulchre, and
setting him as it were upright, then commeth his wife
before him on her knees, casting her armes about his
necke, with imbracing and clasping him, untill such time
as the Masons have made a wall round about them, and
when the wall is as high as their neckes, there commeth
a man behinde the woman and strangleth her: then when
she is dead, the workemen finish the wall over their
heads, and so they lie buried both together. Besides
these, there are an infinite number of beastly qualities
amongst them, of which I have no desire to write. I
was desirous to know the cause why these women would
so wilfully burne themselves against nature and law, and
it was told mee that this law was of an ancient time, to
make provision against the slaughters which women
made of their husbands. For in those dayes before this
law was made, the women for every little displeasure that
their husbands had done unto them, would presently
poison their husbands, and take other men, and now by
reason of this law they are more faithfull unto their
husbands, and count their lives as deare as their owne,
because that after his death her owne followeth presently.
In the yeere of our Lord God 1567, for the ill successe
that the people of Bezeneger had, in that their City was
sacked by the foure kings, the king with his Court went
to dwell in a castle eight dayes journey up in the land
from Bezeneger, called Penegonde. Also sixe dayes
journey from Bezeneger, is the place where they get
Diamants: I was not there, but it was tolde me that it
is a great place, compassed with a wall, and that they
sell the earth within the wall, for so much a squadron,
and the limits are set how deepe or how low they shall
digge. Those Diamants that are of a certaine sise and
bigger then that sise, are all for the king, it is many
yeeres agone, since they got any there, for the troubles
that have beene in that kingdome. The first cause of
this trouble was, because the sonne of this Temeragio
had put to death the lawfull king which he had in prison,
for which cause the Barons and Noblemen in that kingdome would not acknowledge him to be their King, and
by this meanes there are many kings, and great division
in that kingdome, and the city of Bezeneger is not
altogether destroyed, yet the houses stand still, but
empty, and there is dwelling in them nothing, as is
reported, but Tygers and other wilde beasts. The circuit
of this city is foure & twentie miles about, and within
the walles are certeine mountaines. The houses stand
walled with earth, and plaine, all saving the three palaces
of the three tyrant brethren, and the Pagodes which are
idole houses: these are made with lime and fine marble.
I have seene many kings Courts, and yet have I seene
none in greatnesse like to this of Bezeneger, I say, for
the order of his palace, for it hath nine gates or ports.
First when you goe into the place where the king did
lodge, there are five great ports or gates: these are
kept with Captaines and souldiers: then within these
there are foure lesser gates : which are kept with Porters.
Without the first gate there is a little porch, where there
is a Captaine with five and twentie souldiers, that keepeth
watch and ward night and day: and within that another
with the like guard, wherethorow they come to a very
faire Court, and at the end of that Court there is another
porch as the first, with the like guard, and within that
another Court. And in this wise are the first five gates
guarded and kept with those Captaines: and then the
lesser gates within are kept with a guard of Porters:
which gates stand open the greatest part of the night,
because the custome of the Gentiles is to doe their businesse, and make their feasts in the night, rather then by
day. The city is very safe from theeves, for the Portugall merchants sleepe in the streets, or under porches,
for the great heat which is there, and yet they never
had any harme in the night. At the end of two moneths,
I determined to go for Goa in the company of two other
Portugall Marchants, which were making ready to
depart, with two palanchines or little litters, which are
very commodious for the way, with eight Falchines which
are men hired to cary the palanchines, eight for a palanchine, foure at a time: they carry them as we use to
carry barrowes. And I bought me two bullocks, one of
them to ride on, and the other to carry my victuals and
provision, for in that countrey they ride on bullocks with
pannels, as we terme them, girts and bridles, and they
have a very good commodious pace. From Bezeneger to
Goa in Summer it is eight dayes journey, but we went
in the midst of Winter, in the moneth of July, and were
fifteene dayes comming to Ancola on the sea coast, so
in eight dayes I had lost my two bullocks: for he that
carried my victuals, was weake and could not goe, the
other when I came unto a river where was a little bridge
to passe over, I put my bullocke to swimming, and in
the middest of the river there was a little Iland, unto
the which my bullocke went, and finding pasture, there
he remained still, and in no wise we could come to him:
and so perforce, I was forced to leave him, and at that
time there was much raine, and I was forced to go seven
dayes a foot with great paines: and by great chance I
met with Falchines by the way, whom I hired to carry
my clothes and victuals. We had great trouble in our
journey, for that every day wee were taken prisoners,
by reason of the great dissension in that kingdome: and
every morning at our departure we must pay rescat foure
or five pagies a man. And another trouble wee had as
bad as this, that when as wee came into a new governours countrey, as every day we did, although they were
al tributary to the king of Bezeneger, yet every one of
them stamped a several coine of Copper, so that the
money that we tooke this day would not serve the next:
at length, by the helpe of God, we came safe to Ancola,
which is a country of the queene of Gargopam, tributary
to the king of Bezeneger. The marchandise that went
every yere from Goa to Bezeneger were Arabian Horses,
Velvets, Damasks, and Sattens, Armesine of Portugall,
and pieces of China
, Saffron, and Skarlets: and from
Bezeneger they had in
Turky for their commodities,
jewels, and Pagodies which be ducats of golde: the
apparell that they use in Bezeneger is Velvet, Satten,
Damaske, Scarlet, or white Bumbast cloth, according to
the estate of the person with long hats on their heads,
called Colae, made of Velvet, Satten, Damaske, or
Scarlet, girding themselves in stead of girdles with some
fine white bombast cloth: they have breeches after the
order of the Turks: they weare on their feet plaine high
things called of them Aspergh, and at their eares they
have hanging great plenty of golde.
Returning to my voyage, when we were together in
Ancola, one of my companions that had nothing to lose,
tooke a guide, and went to Goa, whither they goe in
foure dayes, the other Portugall not being disposed to
go, taried in
Ancola for that Winter. The Winter in
those parts of the Indies beginneth the fifteenth of May,
and lasteth unto the end of October: and as we were in
Ancola, there came another Marchant of horses in a
palanchine, and two Portugall souldiers which came from
Zeilan, and two cariers of letters, which were Christians
borne in the Indies; all these consorted to goe to Goa
together, and I determined to goe with them, and caused
a pallanchine to be made for me very poorely of Canes;
and in one of them Canes I hid privily all the jewels I
had, and according to the order, I tooke eight Falchines
to cary me: and one day about eleven of the clocke wee
set forwards on our journey, and about two of the clocke
in the afternoone, as we passed a mountaine which
divideth the territory of Ancola and Dialcan, I being a
little behinde my company, was assaulted by eight
theeves, foure of them had swordes and targets, and
the other foure had bowes and arrowes. When the Falchines that carried me understood the noise of the assault,
they let the pallanchine and me fall to the ground, and
ranne away and left me alone, with my clothes wrapped
about me: presently the theeves were on my necke and
rifeling me, they stripped me starke naked, and I fained
my selfe sicke, because I would not leave the pallanchine,
and I had made me a little bedde of my clothes; the
theeves sought it very narrowly and subtilly, and found
two pursses that I had, well bound up together, wherein
I had put my Copper money which I had changed for
foure pagodies in
Ancola. The theeves thinking it had
beene so many duckats of golde, searched no further:
then they threw all my clothes in a bush, and hied them
away, and as God would have it, at their departure there
fell from them an handkercher, and when I saw it, I
rose from my pallanchine or couch, and tooke it up, and
wrapped it together within my pallanchine. Then these
my Falchines were of so good condition, that they
returned to seeke mee, whereas I thought I should not
have found so much goodnesse in them: because they
were payed their mony aforehand, as is the use, I had
thought to have seene them no more. Before their comming I was determined to plucke the Cane wherein my
jewels were hidden, out of my coutch, and to have made
me a walking staffe to carry in my hand to Goa, thinking
that I should have gone thither on foot, but by the faithfulness of my Falchines, I was rid of that trouble, and
so in foure dayes they carried me to Goa, in which time
I made hard fare, for the theeves left me neither money,
golde, nor silver, and that which I did eat was given
me of my men for Gods sake: and after at my comming
to Goa I payed them for every thing royally that I had
of them. From Goa I departed for Cochin, which is a
voyage of three hundred miles, and betweene these two
cities are many holdes of the Portugals, as Onor, Mangalor, Barzelor, and Cananor. The Holde or Fort that
you shall have from Goa to Cochin that belongeth to the
Portugals, is called Onor, which is in the kingdome of
the queene of Battacella, which is tributary to the king
of Bezeneger : there is no trade there, but onely a charge
with the Captaine and company he keepeth there. And
passing this place, you shall come to another small castle
of the Portugals called Mangalor, and there is very small
trade but onely for a little Rice: and from thence you
goe to a little fort called Barzelor, there they have good
store of Rice which is carried to Goa: and from thence
you shall goe to a city called Cananor, which is a harquebush shot distant from the chiefest city that ye king of
Cananor hath in his kingdome being a king of the
Gentiles: and he & his are very naughty & malicious
people, alwayes having delight to be in warres with the
Portugales, and when they are in peace, it is for their
interest to let their merchandize passe : there goeth out
of this kingdom of Cananor, all the Cardamomum, great
store of Pepper, Ginger, Honie, ships laden with great
Nuts, great quantitie of Archa, which is a fruit of the
bignesse of Nutmegs, which fruite they eate in all those
partes of the Indies and beyond the Indies, with the leafe
of an Herbe which they call Bettell, the which is like unto
our Ivie leafe, but a litle lesser and thinner: they eate it
made in plaisters with the lime made of Oistershels, and
thorow the Indies they spend great quantitie of money
in this composition, and it is used daily, which thing I
would not have beleeved, if I had not scene it. The
customers get great profite by these Herbes, for that
they have custome for them. When this people eate and
chawe this in their mouthes, it maketh their spittle to
bee red like unto blood, and they say, that it maketh a
man to have a very good stomacke and a sweete breath,
but sure in my judgement they eate it rather to fulfill
their filthie lustes, and of a knaverie, for this Herbe is
moyst and hote, & maketh a very strong expulsion.
From Cananor you go to Cranganor, which is another
smal Fort of the Portugales in the land of the king of
Cranganor, which is another king of the Gentiles, and a
countrey of small importance, and of an hundreth and
twentie miles, full of thieves, being under the king of
Calicut
, a king also of the Gentiles, and a great enemie
to the Portugales, which when hee is alwayes in warres,
hee and his countrey is the nest and resting for stranger
theeves, and those bee called Moores of Carposa, because
they weare on their heads long red hats, and these thieves
part the spoyles that they take on the Sea with the king
of Calicut
, for hee giveth leave unto all that will goe
a roving, liberally to goe, in such wise, that all along
that coast there is such a number of thieves, that there
is no sailing in those Seas but with great ships and very
well armed, or els they must go in company with the
army of the Portugals. From Cranganor to Cochin is
15 miles.
Cochin.
COCHIN is, next unto Goa, the chiefest place that the
Portugales have in the Indies, and there is great trade
of Spices, drugges, and all other sortes of merchandize
for the kingdome of Portugale, and there within the land
is the kingdome of Pepper, which Pepper the Portugales
lade in their shippes by bulke, and not in sackes: the
Pepper that goeth for Portugale is not so good as that
which goeth for Mecca
, because that in times past the
officers of the king of Portugale made a contract with
the king of Cochin, in the name of the king of Portugale,
for the prizes of Pepper, and by reason of that agreement
betweene them at that time made, the price can neither
rise nor fall, which is a very lowe and base price, and
for this cause the villaines bring it to the Portugales,
greene and full of filthe. The Moores of Mecca
that give
a better price, have it cleane and drie, and better conditioned. All the Spices and drugs that are brought to
Mecca
, are stollen from thence as Contrabanda. Cochin
is two cities, one of the Portugales, and another of the
king of Cochin: that of the Portugales is situate neerest
unto the Sea, and that of the king of Cochin is a mile and
a halfe up higher in the land, but they are both set on the
bankes of one river which is very great and of a good
depth of water which river commeth out of the mountaines of the king of the Pepper, which is a king of the
Gentiles, in whose kingdome are many Christians of saint
Thomas order: the king of Cochin is also a king of the
Gentiles and a great faithfull friend to the king of Portugale, and to those Portugales which are married, and
are Citizens in the Citie Cochin of the Portugales. And
by this name of Portugales throughout all the Indies,
they call all the Christians that come out of the West,
whether they bee Italians, Frenchmen, or Almaines, and
all they that marrie in Cochin do get an office according
to the trade he is of: this they have by the great privileges which the Citizens have of that city, because there
are two principal commodities that they deale withal in
that place, which are these. The great store of Silke
that commeth from China
, and the great store of Sugar
which commeth from Bengala: the married Citizens pay
not any custome for these two commodities: for all other
commodities they pay 4. per cento custome to the king
of Cochin, rating their goods at their owne pleasure.
Those which are not married and strangers, pay in
Cochin to the king of Portugale eight per cento of all
maner of merchandise. I was in Cochin when the Viceroy of the king of Portugale wrought what hee coulde to
breake the privilege of the Citizens, and to make them
to pay custome as other did: at which time the Citizens
were glad to waigh their Pepper in the night that they
laded the ships withall that went to Portugale and stole
the custome in the night. The king of Cochin having
understanding of this, would not suffer any more Pepper
to bee weighed. Then presently after this, the marchants
were licensed to doe as they did before, and there was
no more speach of this matter, nor any wrong done.
This king of Cochin is of a small power in respect of the
other kings of the Indies, for hee can make but seventie
thousand men of armes in his campe: hee hath a great
number of Gentlemen which hee calleth Amochi, and
some are called Nairi
: these two sorts of men esteeme
not their lives any thing, so that it may be for the honour
of their king, they will thrust themselves forward in every
danger, although they know they shall die. These men
goe naked from the girdle upwardes, with a clothe rolled
about their thighs, going barefooted, and having their
haire very long and rolled up together on the toppe of
their heads, and alwayes they carrie their Bucklers or
Targets with them and their swordes naked, these Nairi
have their wives common amongst themselves, and when
any of them goe into the house of any of these women,
hee leaveth his sworde and target at the doore, and the
time that hee is there, there dare not any bee so hardie
as to come into that house. The kings children shall not
inherite the kingdome after their father, because they
hold this opinion, that perchance they were not begotten
of the king their father, but of some other man, therefore
they accept for their king, one of the sonnes of the kings
sisters, or of some other woman of the blood roial, for
that they be sure they are of the blood roiall.
The Nairi
and their wives use for a braverie to make
great holes in their eares, and so bigge and wide, that it
is incredible, holding this opinion, that the greater the
holes bee, the more noble they esteeme themselves. I
had leave of one of them to measure the circumference of
one of them with a threed, and within that circumference
I put my arme up to the shoulder, clothed as it was, so
that in effect they are monstrous great. Thus they doe
make them when they be litle, for then they open the eare,
& hang a piece of gold or lead thereat, & within the
opening, in the hole they put a certaine leafe that they
have for that purpose, which maketh the hole so great.
They lade ships in Cochin for Portugale and for Ormus,
but they that goe for Ormus carrie no Pepper but by
Contrabanda, as for Sinamome they easilie get leave to
carrie that away, for all other Spices and drugs they may
liberally carie them to Ormus or Cambaia, and so all
other merchandize which come from other places, but out
of the kingdom of Cochin properly they cary away with
them into Portugale great abundance of Pepper, great
quantitie of Ginger dried and conserved, wild Sinamom,
good quantitie of Arecca, great store of Cordage of Cairo,
made of the barke of the tree of the great Nut, and
better then that of Hempe, of which they carrie great
store into Portugale.
The shippes every yeere depart from Cochin to goe for
Portugall, on the fift day of December, or the fift day of
January. Nowe to follow my voyage for the Indies:
from Cochin I went to Coulam, distant from Cochin
seventie and two miles, which Coulam is a small Fort of
the king of Portugales, situate in the kingdom of Coulam,
which is a king of the Gentiles, and of small trade: at
that place they lade onely halfe a ship of Pepper, and
then she goeth to Cochin to take in the rest, and from
thence to Cao Comori is seventie and two miles, and there
endeth the coast of the Indies: and alongst this coast,
neere to the water side, and also to Cao Comori, downe
to the lowe land of Chialo, which is about two hundred
miles, the people there are as it were all turned to the
Christian faith: there are also Churches of the Friers of
S. Pauls order, which Friers doe very much good in those
places in turning the people, and in converting them,
and take great paines in instructing them in the law of
Christ.
The fishing for Pearles.
THE Sea that lieth betweene the coast which descendeth
from Cao Comori, to the lowe land of Chilao, and the
Iland Zeilan, they call the fishing of Pearles, which
fishing they make every yeere, beginning in March or
Aprill, and it lasteth fiftie dayes, but they doe not fishe
every yeere in one place, but one yeere in one place, and
another yeere in another place of the same sea. When
the time of this fishing draweth neere, then they send very
good Divers, that goe to discover where the greatest
heapes of Oisters bee under water, and right agaynst that
place where greatest store of Oisters bee, there they make
or plant a village with houses and a Bazaro, all of stone,
which standeth as long as the fishing time lasteth, and it
is furnished with all things necessarie, and nowe and then
it is neere unto places that are inhabited, and other times
farre off, according to the place where they fishe. The
Fishermen are all Christians of the countrey, and who so
will may goe to fishing, paying a certaine dutie to the
king of Portugall, and to the Churches of the Friers of
Saint Paule, which are in that coast. All the while that
they are fishing, there are three or foure Fustes armed
to defend the Fishermen from Rovers. It was my chance
to bee there one time in my passage, and I saw the order
that they used in fishing, which is this. There are three
or foure Barkes that make consort together, which are
like to our litle Pilot boates, and a litle lesse, there goe
seven or eight men in a boate: and I have seene in a
morning a great number of them goe out, and anker in
fifteene or eighteene fadome of water, which is the
Ordinarie depth of all that coast. When they are at
anker, they cast a rope into the Sea, and at the ende of
the rope, they make fast a great stone, and then there
is readie a man that hath his nose and his eares well
stopped, and annointed with oyle, and a basket about his
necke, or under his left arme, then hee goeth downe by
the rope to the bottome of the Sea, and as fast as he can
hee filleth the basket, and when it is full, he shaketh the
rope, and his fellowes that are in the Barke hale him up
with the basket: and in such wise they goe one by one
untill they have laden their barke with oysters, and at
evening they come to the village, and then every company
maketh their mountaine or heape of oysters one distant
from another, in such wise that you shall see a great long
rowe of mountaines or heapes of oysters, and they are not
touched untill such time as the fishing bee ended, and at
the ende of the fishing every companie sitteth round about
their mountaine or heape of oysters, and fall to opening
of them, which they may easilie doe because they bee
dead, drie and brittle: and if every oyster had pearles in
them, it would bee a very good purchase, but there are
very many that have no pearles in them: when the
fishing is ended, then they see whether it bee a good
gathering or a badde: there are certaine expert in the
pearles whom they call Chitini, which set and make the
price of pearles according to their carracts, beautie, and
goodnesse, making foure sortes of them. The first sort
bee the round pearles, and they be called Aia of Portugale, because the Portugales doe buy them. The second
sorte which are not round, are called Aia of Bengala.
The third sort which are not so good as the second, they
call Aia of Canara, that is to say, the kingdome of
Bezeneger. The fourth and last sort, which are the least
and worst sort, are called Aia of Cambaia. Thus the
price being set, there are merchants of every countrey
which are readie with their money in their handes, so that
in a fewe dayes all is bought up at the prises set according
to the goodnesse and caracts of the pearles.
In this Sea of the fishing of pearles is an Iland called
Manar, which is inhabited by Christians of the countrey
which first were Gentiles, and have a small hold of
the Portugales being situate over agaynst Zeilan: and
betweene these two Ilands there is a chanell, but not
very big, and hath but a small depth therein: by reason
whereof there cannot any great shippe passe that way,
but small ships, and with the increase of the water which
is at the change or the full of the Moone, and yet for
all this they must unlade them and put their goods into
small vessels to lighten them before they can passe that
way for feare of Sholdes that lie in the chanell, and after
lade them into their shippes to goe for the Indies, and
this doe all small shippes that passe that way, but those
shippes that goe for the Indies Eastwardes, passe by the
coast of Coromandel, on the other side by the land of
Chilao which is betweene the firme land and the
Iland
Manor: and going from the Indies to the coast of Coromandel, they loose some shippes, but they bee emptie,
because that the shippes that passe that way discharge
their goods at an Iland called Peripatane, and there land
their goods into small flat bottomed boates which drawe
litle water, and are called Tane, and can run over every
Shold without either danger or losse of any thing, for
that they tarrie in
Peripatane untill such time as it bee
faire weather. Before they depart to passe the Sholdes,
the small shippes and flat bottomed boates goe together
in companie, and when they have sailed sixe and thirtie
miles, they arrive at the place where the Sholdes are,
and at that place the windes blowe so forciblie, that they
are forced to goe thorowe, not having any other refuge
to save themselves. The flat bottomed boates goe sate
thorow, where as the small shippes if they misse the
aforesayd chanell, sticke fast on the Sholdes, and by
this meanes many are lost: and comming backe from the
Indies, they goe not that way, but passe by the chanell
of Manar as is abovesayd, whose chanell is Oazie, and
if the shippes sticke fast, it is great chance if there be
any danger at all. The reason why this chanell is not
more sure to goe thither, is, because the windes that
raigne or blowe betweene Zeilan and Manar, make the
chanell so shalow with water, that almost there is not
any passage. From Cao Comori to the
Iland of Zeilan
is 120. miles overthwart.
Zeilan.
ZEILAN is an Iland, in my judgement, a great deale
bigger then Cyprus
: on that side towards the Indies
lying Westward is the citie called Columba, which is a
hold of the Portugales, but without walles or enimies.
It hath towards the Sea a free port, the lawfull king
of that Iland is in
Columbo, and is turned Christian and
maintained by the king of Portugall, being deprived of
his kingdome. The king of the Gentiles, to whom this
kingdome did belong, was called Madoni, which had two
sonnes, the first named Barbinas the prince; and the
second Ragine. This king by the pollicie of his yoonger
sonne, was deprived of his kingdome, who because hee
had entised and done that which pleased the armie and
souldiours, in despight of his father and brother being
prince, usurped the kingdome, and became a great
warriour. First, this Iland had three kings; the king of
Cotta with his conquered prisoners: the king of Candia
,
which is a part of that Iland, and is so called by the name
of Candia
, which had a reasonable power, and was a
great friend to the Portugals, which sayd that hee lived
secretly a Christian; the third was the king of Gianifampatan. In thirteene yeeres that this Ragine governed
this Iland, he became a great tyrant.
In this Iland there groweth fine Sinamom, great store
of Pepper, great store of Nuttes and Arochoe: there
they make great store of Cairo
to make Cordage: it
bringeth foorth great store of Christall Cats eyes, or
Ochi de Gati, and they say that they finde there some
Rubies, but I have sold Rubies well there that I brought
with me from Pegu
. I was desirous to see how they
gather the Sinamom, or take it from the tree that it
groweth on, and so much the rather, because the time
that I was there, was the season which they gather it
in, which was in the moneth of Aprill, at which time the
Portugals were in armes, and in the field, with the king
of the countrey; yet I to satisfie my desire, although in
great danger, tooke a guide with mee and went into a
wood three miles from the Citie, in which wood was
great store of Sinamome trees growing together among
other wilde trees; and this Sinamome tree is a small tree,
and not very high, and hath leaves like to our Baie tree.
In the moneth of March or Aprill, when the sappe goeth
up to the toppe of the tree, then they take the Sinamom
from that tree in this wise. They cut the barke of the
tree round about in length from knot to knot, or from
joint to joint, above and belowe, and then easilie with
their handes they take it away, laying it in the Sunne
to drie, and in this wise it is gathered, and yet for all
this the tree dieth not, but agaynst the next yeere it
will have a new barke, and that which is gathered every
yeere is the best Sinamome : for that which groweth two
or three yeeres is great, and not so good as the other is;
and in these woods groweth much Pepper.
Negapatan.
FROM the
Iland of Zeilan men use to goe with small
shippes to Negapatan, within the firme land, and seventie
two miles off is a very great Citie, and very populous of
Portugals and Christians of the countrey, and part
Gentiles :. it is a countrey of small trade, neither have they
any trade there, save a good quantitie of Rice, and cloth
of Bumbast which they carie into divers partes: it was a
very plentifull countrey of victuals, but now it hath a
great deale lesse; and that abundance of victuals caused
many Portugales to goe thither and build houses, and
dwell there with small charge.
This Citie belongeth to a noble man of the kingdome of
Bezeneger being a Gentile, neverethelesse the Portugales
and other Christians are well intreated there, and have
their churches there with a monasterie of Saint Francis
order, with great devotion and very well accommodated,
with houses round about: yet for all this, they are
amongst tyrants, which alwayes at their pleasure may
doe them some harme, as it happened in the yeere of
our Lord God one thousand five hundred, sixtie and
five: for I remember very well, how that the Nayer, that
is to say, the lord of the citie, sent to the citizens to
demaund of them certaine Arabian horses, and they
having denied them unto him, and gainesayd his demaund, it came to passe that this lord had a desire to
see the Sea, which when the poore citizens understood,
they doubted some evill, to heare a thing which was not
woont to bee, they thought that this man would come to
sacke the Citie, and presently they embarked themselves
the best they could with their mooveables, marchandize,
jewels, money, and all that they had, and caused the
shippes to put from the shore. When this was done, as
their evill chance would have it, the next night following,
there came such a great storme that it put all the shippes
on land perforce, and brake them to pieces, and all the
goods that came on land and were saved, were taken
from them by the souldiours and armie of this lord which
came downe with him to see the Sea, and were attendant
at the Sea side, not thinking that any such thing would
have happened.
Saint Thomas or San Tome.
FROM Negapatan following my voyage towards the East
an hundred and fiftie miles, I found the house of blessed
Saint Thomas, which is a Church of great devotion, and
greatly regarded of the Gentiles for the great miracles
they have heard to have bene done by that blessed
Apostle: neere unto this Church the Portugals have
builded them a Citie in the countrey subject to the king
of Bezeneger, which citie although it bee not very great,
yet in my judgement it is the fairest in all that part of
the Indies : and it hath very faire houses and faire gardens
in vacant places very well accommodated: it hath streetes
large and streight, with many Churches of great devotion,
their houses be set close one unto another, with little
doores, every house hath his defence, so that by that
meanes it is of force sufficient to defend ye Portugals
against the people of that countrey. The Portugals there
have no other possession but their gardens and houses
that are within the citie: the customes belong to the
king of Bezeneger, which are very small and easie, for
that it is a countrey of great riches and great trade:
there come every yeere two or three great ships very
rich, besides many other small ships: one of the two
great ships goeth for Pegu
, and the other for Malacca,
laden with fine Bumbast cloth of every sort, painted,
which is a rare thing, because those kinde of clothes
shew as they were gilded with divers colours, and the
more they be washed, the livelier the colours will shew.
Also there is other cloth of Bumbast which is woven
with divers colours, and is of great value: also they
make in Sant Tome great store of red Yarne, which
they die with a roote called Saia, and this colour will
never waste, but the more it is washed, the more redder
it will shew: they lade this yarne the greatest part of it
for Pegu
, because that there they worke and weave it
to make cloth according to their owne fashion, and with
lesser charges. It is a marvelous thing to them which
have not seene the lading and unlading of men and
merchandize in S. Tome as they do: it is a place so
dangerous, that a man cannot bee served with small
barkes, neither can they doe their businesse with the
boates of the shippes, because they would be beaten in
a thousand pieces, but they make certaine barkes (of
purpose) high, which they call Masadie, they be made
of litle boards; one board being sowed to another with
small cordes, and in this order are they made. And
when they are thus made, and the owners will embarke
any thing in them, either men or goods, they lade them
on land, and when they are laden, the Barke-men thrust
the boate with her lading into the streame, and with
great speed they make haste all that they are able to
rowe out against the huge waves of the sea that are on
that shore, untill that they carie them to the ships: and
in like maner they lade these Masadies at the shippes
with merchandise and men. When they come neere the
shore, the Barke-men leap out of the Barke into the Sea
to keepe the Barke right that she cast not thwart the
shore, and being kept right, the
Suffe of the Sea setteth
her lading dry on land without any hurt or danger, and
sometimes there are some of them that are overthrowen,
but there can be no great losse, because they lade but
a litle at a time. All the marchandize they lade outwards, they emball it well with Oxe hides, so that if it
take wet, it can have no great harme.
In my voyage, returning in the yeere of our Lord God
one thousand, five hundred, sixtie and sixe, I went from
Goa unto Malacca, in a shippe or Gallion of the king of
Portugal
, which went unto Banda for to lade Nutmegs &
Maces: from Goa to Malacca are one thousand eight
hundred miles, we passed without the
Iland Zeilan, and
went through the chanell of Nicubar, or els through the
chanell of Sombrero
, which is by the middle of the
Iland
of Sumatra, called in olde time Taprobana: and from
Nicubar to Pegu
is as it were a rowe or chaine of an
infinite number of Ilands, of which many are inhabited
with wilde people, and they call those Ilands the
Ilands
of Andemaon, and they call their people savage of wilde,
because they eate one another: also these Ilands have
warre one with another, for they have small Barkes,
and with them they take one another, and so eate one
another: and if by evil chance any ship be lost on those
Ilands, as many have bene, there is not one man of those
ships lost there that escapeth uneaten or unslaine. These
people have not any acquaintance with any other people,
neither have they trade with any, but live onely of such
fruites as those Ilands yeeld : and if any ship come neere
unto that place or coast as they passe that way, as in my
voyage it happened as I came from Malacca through the
chanell of Sombrero
, there came two of their Barkes
neere unto our ship laden with fruite, as with Mouces
which wee call Adams apples, with fresh Nuts, and with
a fruite called Inani, which fruite is like to our Turneps,
but is very sweete and good to eate: they would not
come into the shippe for any thing that wee could doe:
neither would they take any money for their fruite, but
they would trucke for olde shirtes or pieces of olde linnen
breeches, these ragges they let downe with a rope into
their Barke unto them, and looke what they thought those
things to bee woorth, so much fruite they would make
fast to the rope and let us hale it in: and it was told me
that at sometimes a man shall have for an old shirt a
good piece of Amber.
Sumatra.
THIS
Iland of Sumatra is a great Iland and devided and
governed by many kings, and devided into many chanels,
where through there is passage: upon the headland
towardes the West is the kingdom of Assi governed by
a Moore
king: this king is of great force and strength,
as he that beside his great kingdom, hath many Foists
and Gallies. In his kingdom groweth great store of
Pepper, Ginger, Benjamin: he is an utter enemy to the
Portugals, and hath divers times bene at Malacca to
fight against it, and hath done great harme to the
boroughes thereof, but the citie alway withstood him
valiantly, and with their ordinance did great spoile to his
campe. At length I came to the citie of Malacca.
The Citie Malacca.
MALACCA is a Citie of marvellous great trade of all kind
of marchandize, which come from divers partes, because
that all the shippes that saile in these seas, both great
and small, are bound to touch at Malacca to paie their
custome there, although they unlade nothing at all, as
we doe at
Elsinor: and if by night they escape away,
and pay not their custome, then they fall into a greater
danger after: for if they come into the Indies and have
not the seale of Malacca, they pay double custome. I
have not passed further then Malacca towards the East,
but that which I wil speake of here is by good information of them that have bene there. The sailing from
Malacca towards the East is not common for all men,
as to China
and Japan
, and so forwards to go who will,
but onely for the king of Portugall and his nobles, with
leave granted unto them of the king to make such voiages,
or to the jurisdiction of the captaine of Malacca, where
he expecteth to know what voiages they make from
Malacca thither, & these are the kings voiages, that
every yere there departeth from Malacca 2. gallions of
the kings, one of them goeth to ye Moluccos to lade
Cloves, and the other goeth to Banda to lade Nutmegs
and Maces. These two gallions are laden for the king,
neither doe they carie any particular mans goods, saving
the portage of the Mariners and souldiers, and for this
cause they are not voiages for marchants, because that
going thither, they shal not have where to lade their
goods of returne; and besides this, the captaine will not
cary any marchant for either of these two places. There
goe small shippes of the Moores thither, which come
from the coast of Java
, and change or guild their commodities in the kingdom of Assa
, and these be the Maces,
Cloves, and Nutmegs, which go for the streights of
Mecca
. The voiages that the king of Portugall granteth
to his nobles are these, of China
and Japan
, from China
to Japan
, and from Japan
to China
, and from China
to
the Indies, and the voyage of Bengala, Maluco, and
Sonda, with the lading of fine cloth, and every sort of
Bumbast cloth. Sonda is an
Iland of the Moores neere
to the coast of Java
, and there they lade Pepper for
China
. The ship that goeth every yeere from the Indies
to China
, is called the ship of Drugs, because she carieth
divers drugs of Cambaia, but the greatest part of her
lading is silver. From Malacca to China
is eighteene
hundred miles: and from China
to Japan
goeth every
yeere a shippe of great importance laden with Silke,
which for returne of their Silke bringeth barres of silver
which they trucke in China
. The distance betweene
China
and Japan
is foure and twentie hundred miles, and
in this way there are divers Ilands not very bigge, in
which the Friers of saint Paul, by the helpe of God, make
many Christians there like to themselves. From these
Ilands hitherwards the place is not yet discovered for the
great sholdnesse of Sandes that they find. The Portugals
have made a small citie neere unto the coast of China
called Macao
, whose church and houses are of wood, and
it hath a bishoprike, but the customs belong to the king
of China
, and they goe and pay the same at a citie called
Canton, which is a citie of great importance and very
beautifull two dayes journey and a halfe from Macao
.
The people of China
are Gentiles, and are so jealous and
fearefull, that they would not have a stranger to put his
foote within their land: so that when the Portugals go
thither to pay their custome, and to buy their marchandize, they will not consent that they shall lie or lodge
within the citie, but send them foorth into the suburbes.
The
countrey of China is neere the kingdom of great
Tartaria, and is a very great countrey of the Gentiles and
of great importance, which may be judged by the rich
and precious marchandize that come from thence, then
which I beleeve there are not better nor in greater
quantitie in the whole world besides.
First, great store of golde, which they carie to the
Indies, made in plates like to little shippes, and in value
three and twentie caracts a peece, very great aboundance
of fine silke, cloth of damaske and taffata, great quantitie
of muske, great quantitie of Occam in barres, great
quantitie of quicksilver and of Cinaper, great store of
Camfora, an infinite quantitie of
Porcellane, made in
vessels of diverse sortes, great quantitie of painted cloth
and squares, infinite store of the rootes of China
: and
every yeere there commeth from China
to the Indies, two
or three great shippes, laden with most rich and precious
marchandise. The Rubarbe commeth from thence over
lande, by the way of Persia, because that every yeere
there goeth a great Carovan from Persia to China
, which
is in going thither sixe moneths. The Carovan arriveth
at a Citie called Lanchin, the place where the king is
resident with his Court. I spake with a Persian that was
three yeeres in that citie of Lanchin, and he tolde me that
it was a great Citie and of great importance. The
voiages of Malacca which are in the jurisdiction of the
Captaine of the castle, are these: Every yeere he sendeth
a small shippe to Timor
to lade white Sandols, for all
the best commeth from this Iland: there commeth some
also from Solor
, but that is not so good: also he sendeth
another small ship every yere to Cauchin China, to lade
there wood of Aloes, for that all the wood of Aloes
commeth from this place, which is in the firme land neere
unto China
, and in that kingdome I could not knowe how
that wood groweth by any meanes. For that the people
of the countrey will not suffer the Portugales to come
within the land, but onely for wood and water, and as
for all other things that they wanted, as victuals or
marchandise, the people bring that a boord the ship in
small barkes, so that every day there is a mart kept in the
ship, untill such time as she be laden: also there goeth
another ship for the said Captaine of Malacca to Sion
,
to lade Verzino
: all these voiages are for the Captaine of
the castle of Malacca, and when he is not disposed to
make these voiages, he selleth them to another.
The citie of Sion
, or Siam
.
SION
was the imperiall seat, and a great Citie, but in
the yeere of our Lord God one thousand five hundred
sixtie and seven, it was taken by the king of Pegu
, which
king made a voyage or came by lande foure moneths
journey with an armie of men through his lande, and the
number of his armie was a million and foure hundreth
thousand men of warre: when hee came to the Citie, he
gave assault to it, and besieged it one and twentie
monethes before he could winne it, with great losse of
his people, this I know, for that I was in Pegu
sixe
moneths after his departure, and sawe when that his
officers that were in Pegu
, sent five hundreth thousand
men of warre to furnish the places of them that were
slaine and lost in that assault: yet for all this, if there
had not beene treason against the citie, it had not beene
lost: for on a night there was one of the gates set open,
through the which with great trouble the king gate into
the citie, and became governour of Sion
: and when the
Emperour sawe that he was betrayed, and that his
enemie was in the citie, he poysoned himselfe: and his
wives and children, friends and noblemen, that were not
slaine in the first affront of the entrance into the citie,
were all caried captives into Pegu
, where I was at the
comming home of the king with his triumphs and victorie,
which comming home & returning from the warres was
a goodly sight to behold, to see the Elephants come home
in a square, laden with golde, silver, jewels, and with
Noble men and women that were taken prisoners in that
citie.
Now to returne to my voyage: I departed from
Malacca in a great shippe which went for Saint Tome,
being a Citie situate on the coast of Coromandel: and
because the Captaine of the castles of Malacca had understanding by advise that the king of Assi would come
with a great armie and power of men against them,
therefore upon this he would not give licence that any
shippes should depart: Wherefore in this ship wee
departed from thence in the night, without making any
provision of our water: and wee were in that shippe
foure hundreth and odde men: we departed from thence
with intention to goe to an Iland to take in water, but
the windes were so contrary, that they would not suffer
us to fetch it, so that by this meanes wee were two and
fortie dayes in the sea as it were lost, and we were driven
too and fro, so that the first lande that we discovered,
was beyonde Saint Tome, more then five hundreth miles
which were the mountaines of Zerzerline, neere unto the
kingdome of Orisa, and so wee came to Orisa with many
sicke, and more that were dead for want of water: and
they that were sicke in foure dayes dyed: and I for the
space of a yeere after had my throat so sore and hoarse,
that I could never satisfie my thirst in drinking of water:
I judge the reason of my hoarsenesse to bee with soppes
that I wet in vineger and oyle, wherewith I susteyned
my selfe many dayes. There was not any want of bread
nor of wine: but the wines of that countrey are so hot
that being drunke without water they will kill a man:
neither are they able to drinke them: when we beganne
to want water, I sawe certaine Moores that were officers
in the ship, that solde a small dish full for a duckat,
after this I sawe one that would have given a barre of
Pepper, which is two quintalles and a halfe, for a litle
measure of water, and he could not have it. Truely I
beleeve that I had died with my slave, whom then I had
to serve mee, which cost mee verie deare : but to provide
for the daunger at hand, I solde my slave for halfe that
he was worth, because that I would save his drinke that
he drunke, to serve my owne purpose, and to save my
life.
Of the kingdome of Orisa, and the river Ganges.
ORISA was a faire kingdome and trustie, through the
which a man might have gone with golde in his hande
without any daunger at all, as long as the lawefull King
reigned which was a Gentile, who continued in the citie
called Catecha, which was within the land sixe dayes
journey. This king loved strangers marveilous well,
especially marchants which had traffique in and out of his
kingdome, in such wise that hee would take no custome
of them, neither any other grievous thing. Onely the
shippe that came thither payde a small thing according
to her portage, and every yeere in the port of Orisa were
laden five and twentie or thirtie ships great and small,
with ryce and divers sortes of fine white bumbaste cloth,
oyle of Zerzeline which they make of a seed, and it is
very good to eate and to fry fish withal, great store of
butter, Lacca, long pepper, Ginger, Mirabolans dry and
condite, great store of cloth of herbes, which is a kinde
of silke which groweth amongst the woods without any
labour of man, and when the bole thereof is growen round
as bigge as an Orenge, then they take care onely to gather
them. About sixteene yeeres past, this king with his
kingdome were destroyed by the king of Patane, which
was also king of the greatest part of Bengala, and when
he had got the kingdome, he set custome there twenty pro
cento, as Marchants paide in his kingdome: but this
tyrant enjoyed his kingdome but a small time, but was
conquered by another tyrant, which was the great Mogol
king of Agra, Delly, and of all Cambaia, without any
resistance. I departed from Orisa to Bengala, to the
harbour Piqueno, which is distant from Orisa towardes
the East a hundred and seventie miles. They goe as it
were rowing alongst the coast fiftie and foure miles, and
then we enter into the river Ganges: from the mouth
of this river, to a citie called Satagan, where the marchants gather themselves together with their trade, are a
hundred miles, which they rowe in eighteene houres with
the increase of the water: in which river it floweth and
ebbeth as it doth in the Thamis, and when the ebbing
water is come, they are not able to rowe against it, by
reason of the swiftnesse of the water, yet their barkes be
light and armed with oares, like to Foistes, yet they
cannot prevaile against that streame, but for refuge must
make them fast to the banke of the river untill the next
flowing water, and they call these barkes Bazaras and
Patvas : they rowe as well as a Galliot, or as well as ever
I have seene any. A good tides rowing before you
come to Satagan, you shall have a place which is called
Buttor, and from thence upwards the ships doe not goe,
because that upwardes the river is very shallowe, and
litle water. Every yeere at
Buttor they make and unmake
a Village, with houses and shoppes made of strawe, and
with all things necessarie to their uses, and this village
standeth as long as the ships ride there, and till they
depart for the Indies, and when they are departed, every
man goeth to his plot of houses, and there setteth fire on
them, which thing made me to marvaile. For as I passed
up to Satagan, I sawe this village standing with a great
number of people, with an infinite number of ships and
Bazars, and at my returne comming downe with my
Captaine of the last ship, for whom I tarried, I was al
amazed to see such a place so soone razed and burnt, &
nothing left but the signe of the burnt houses. The small
ships go to Satagan, and there they lade.
Of the citie of Satagan.
IN the port of Satagan every yeere lade thirtie or five and
thirtie ships great and small, with rice, cloth of Bombast
of diverse sortes, Lacca, great abundance of sugar, Mirabolans dried and preserved, long pepper, oyle of Zerzeline,
and many other sorts of marchandise. The citie of
Satagan is a reasonable faire citie for a citie of the
Moores, abounding with all things, and was governed
by the king of Patane, and now is subject to the great
Mogol. I was in this kingdome foure moneths, whereas
many marchants did buy or fraight boates for their
benefites, and with these barkes they goe up and downe
the river of Ganges to faires, buying their commoditie
with a great advantage, because that every day in the
weeke they have a faire, now in one place, and now in
another, and I also hired a barke and went up and downe
the river and did my businesse, and so in the night I saw
many strange things. The kingdome of Bengala in times
past hath bene as it were in the power of Moores, neverthelesse there is great store of Gentiles among them;
alwayes whereas I have spoken of Gentiles, is to be understood Idolaters, and wheras I speak of Moores I meane
Mahomets sect. Those people especially that be within
the land doe greatly worship the river of Ganges: for
when any is sicke, he is brought out of the countrey to
the banke of the river, and there they make him a small
cottage of strawe, and every day they wet him with that
water, whereof there are many that die, and when they
are dead, they make a heape of stickes and boughes and
lay the dead bodie thereon, and putting fire thereunto,
they let the bodie alone untill it be halfe rosted, and then
they take it off from the fire, and make an emptie jarre
fast about his necke, and so throw him into the river.
These things every night as I passed up and downe the
river I saw for the space of two moneths, as I passed to
the fayres to buy my commodities with the marchants.
And this is the cause that the Portugales will not drinke
of the water of the river Ganges, yet to the sight it
is more perfect and clearer then the water of Nilus is.
From the port Piqueno I went to Cochin, and from
Cochin to Malacca, from whence I departed for Pegu
being eight hundred miles distant. That voyage is woont
to be made in five and twentie or thirtie dayes, but we
were foure moneths, and at the ende of three moneths our
ship was without victuals. The Pilot told us that wee
were by his altitude not farre from a citie called Tanasary,
in the kingdome of Pegu
, and these his words were not
true, but we were (as it were) in the middle of many
Ilands, and many uninhabited rockes, and there were also
some Portugales that affirmed that they knew the land,
and knewe also where the citie of Tanasari was.
This citie of right belongeth to the kingdome of Sion
,
which is situate on a great rivers side, which commeth
out of the kingdome of Sion
: and where this river runneth
into the sea, there is a village called Mirgim, in whose
harbour every yeere there lade some ships with Verzina,
Nypa, and Benjamin, a few cloves, nutmegs and maces
which come from the coast of Sion
, but the greatest
marchandise there is Verzin and Nypa, which is an excellent wine, which is made of the floure of a tree called
Nyper. Whose liquour they distill, and so make an
excellent drinke cleare as christall, good to the mouth,
and better to the stomake, and it hath an excellent gentle
vertue, that if one were rotten with the french pockes,
drinking good store of this, he shall be whole againe, and
I have scene it proved, because that when I was in
Cochin, there was a friend of mine, whose nose beganne
to drop away with that disease, and he was counselled of
the doctors of phisicke, that he should goe to Tanasary at
the time of the new wines, and that he should drinke of
the nyper wine, night and day, as much as he could before
it was distilled, which at that time is most delicate, but
after that it is distilled, it is more strong, and if you
drinke much of it, it will fume into the head with drunkennesse. This man went thither, and did so, and I have
seene him after with a good colour and sound. This
wine is very much esteemed in the Indies, and for that it
is brought so farre off, it is very deare: in Pegu
ordinarily
it is good cheape, because it is neerer to the place where
they make it, and there is every yeere great quantitie
made thereof. And returning to my purpose, I say, being
amongst these rockes, and farre from the land which is
over against Tanasary, with great scarcitie of victuals,
and that by the saying of the Pylot and two Portugales,
holding then firme that wee were in front of the aforesayd
harbour, we determined to goe thither with our boat and
fetch victuals, and that the shippe should stay for us in a
place assigned. We were twentie and eight persons in
the boat that went for victuals, and on a day about twelve
of the clocke we went from the ship, assuring our selves
to bee in the harbour before night in the aforesaid port,
wee rowed all that day, and a great part of the next
night, and all the next day without finding harbour, or
any signe of good landing, and this came to passe through
the evill counsell of the two Portugales that were with
us.
For we had overshot the harbour and left it behind us,
in such wise that we had lost the lande inhabited, together
with the shippe, and we eight and twentie men had no
maner of victuall with us in the boate, but it was the
Lords will that one of the Mariners had brought a litle
rice with him in the boate to barter away for some other
thing, and it was not so much but that three or foure men
would have eaten it at a meale: I tooke the government
of this Ryce, promising that by the helpe of God that
Ryce should be nourishment for us until it pleased God to
send us to some place that was inhabited: & when I slept
I put the ryce into my bosome because they should not
rob it from me: we were nine daies rowing alongst the
coast, without finding any thing but countreys uninhabited, & desert Ilands, where if we had found but
grasse it would have seemed sugar unto us, but wee could
not finde any, yet we found a fewe leaves of a tree, and
they were so hard that we could not chewe them, we had
water and wood sufficient, and as wee rowed, we could
goe but by flowing water, for when it was ebbing water,
wee made fast our boat to the banke of one of those
Ilandes, and in these nine dayes that we rowed, we found
a cave or nest of Tortoises egges, wherein were one
hundred fortie and foure egges, the which was a great
helpe unto us: these egges are as bigge as a hennes egge,
and have no shell about them but a tender skinne, every
day we sodde a kettle full of those egges, with an handfull
of rice in the broth thereof: it pleased God that at the
ende of nine dayes we discovered certaine fisher men, a
fishing with small barkes, and we rowed towardes them,
with a good cheare, for I thinke there were never men
more glad then we were, for wee were so sore afflicted
with penurie, that we could scarce stande on our legges.
Yet according to the order that we set for our ryce, when
we sawe those fisher men, there was left sufficient for
foure dayes. The first village that we came to was in the
gulfe of Tavay, under the king of Pegu
, whereas we found
great store of victuals: then for two or three dayes after
our arrivall there, we would eate but litle meate any of us,
and yet for all this, we were at the point of death the
most part of us. From Tavay to Martavan, in the kingdome of Pegu
, are seventie two miles. We laded our
bote with victuals which were aboundantly sufficient for
sixe moneths, from whence we departed for the port and
Citie of Martavan, where in short time we arrived, but we
found not our ship there as we had thought we should,
from whence presently we made out two barkes to goe to
looke for her. And they found her in great calamitie,
and neede of water, being at an anker with a contrary
winde, which came very ill to passe, because that she
wanted her boat a moneth, which should have made her
provision of wood and water, the shippe also by the grace
of God arrived safely in the aforesaid port of Martavan.
The Citie of Martavan.
WE found in the Citie of Martavan ninetie Portugales of
Merchants and other base men, which had fallen at difference with the Retor or governour of the citie, and all for
this cause, that certaine vagabondes of the Portugales
had slaine five falchines of the king of Pegu
, which
chaunced about a moneth after the king of Pegu
was
gone with a million and foure hundred thousand men to
conquere the kingdome of Sion
. They have for custome
in this Countrey and kingdome, the king being wheresoever his pleasure is to bee out of his kingdome, that
every fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu
a Carovan of
Falchines, with every one a basket on his head full of
some fruites or other delicates of refreshings, and with
cleane clothes: it chaunced that this Carovan passing by
Martavan, and resting themselves there a night, there
happened betweene the Portugales and them wordes of
despight, and from wordes to blowes, and because it was
thought that the Portugales had the worse, the night
following, when the Falchines were a sleepe with their
companie, the Portugales went and cut off five of their
heads. Now there is a lawe in Pegu
, that whosoever
killeth a man, he shall buy the shed blood with his
money, according to the estate of the person that is
slaine, but these Falchines being the servants of the king,
the Retors durst not doe any thing in the matter, without
the consent of the king, because it was necessarie that the
king should knowe of such a matter. When the king had
knowledge thereof, he gave commaundement that the
malefactors should be kept untill his comming home, and
then he would duely minister justice, but the Captaine of
the Portugales would not deliver those men, but rather
set himselfe with all the rest in armes, and went every
day through the Citie marching with his Drumme and
ensignes displayd. For at that time the Citie was emptie
of men, by reason they were gone all to the warres and
in businesse of the king: in the middest of this rumour
wee came thither, and I thought it a strange thing to see
the Portugales use such insolencie in another mans Citie.
And I stoode in doubt of that which came to passe, and
would not unlade my goods because that they were more
sure in the shippe then on the land, the greatest part of
the lading was the owners of the shippe, who was in
Malacca, yet there were diverse marchants there, but their
goods were of small importance, all those marchants tolde
me that they would not unlade any of their goods there,
unlesse I would unlade first, yet after they left my counsell
and followed their owne, and put their goods a lande and
lost every whit. The Rector with the customer sent for
mee, and demaunded why I put not my goods a lande,
and payed my custome as other men did? To whom
I answered, that I was a marchant that was newly come
thither, and seeing such disorder amongst the Portugales,
I doubted the losse of my goods which cost me very
deare, with the sweate of my face, and for this cause I
was determined not to put my goods on lande, untill
such time as his honour would assure me in the name
of the king, that I should have no losse, and although
there came harme to the Portugales, that neither I nor
my goods should have any hurt, because I had neither
part nor any difference with them in this tumult: my
reason sounded well in the Retors eares, and so presently
he sent for the Bargits, which are as Counsellers of
the Citie, and there they promised mee on the kings head
or in the behalfe of the king, that neither I nor my
goods should have any harme, but that we should be
safe and sure: of which promise there were made publike
notes. And then I sent for my goods and had them on
land, and payde my custome, which is in that countrey
ten in the hundreth of the same goods, and for my more
securitie I tooke a house right against the Retors house.
The Captaine of the Portugales, and all the Portugall
marchants were put out of the Citie, and I with twentie
and two poore men which were officers in the shippe, had
my dwelling in the Citie. After this, the Gentiles devised
to be revenged of the Portugales; but they would not put
it in execution untill such time as our small shippe had
discharged all her goods, and then the next night following came from Pegu
foure thousand soldiers with some
Elephants of warre; and before that they made any
tumult in the citie, the Retor sent, and gave commaundement to all Portugales that were in the Citie, when they
heard any rumour or noyse, that for any thing they should
not goe out of their houses, as they tendered their owne
health. Then foure houres within night I heard a great
rumour and noyse of men of warre, with Elephants which
threw downe the doores of the ware-houses of the Portugales, and their houses of wood and strawe, in the which
tumult there were some Portugales wounded, and one
of them slaine; and others without making proofe of their
manhoode, which the day before did so bragge, at that
time put themselves to flight most shamefully, and saved
themselves a boord of litle shippes, that were at an anker
in the harbour, and some that were in their beds fled
away naked, and that night they caried away all the
Portugalles goods out of the suburbes into the Citie, and
those Portugales that had their goods in the suburbes
also. After this the Portugales that were fledde into the
shippes to save themselves, tooke a newe courage to themselves, and came on lande and set fire on the houses in
the suburbes, which houses being made of boorde and
strawe, and the winde blowing fresh, in small time were
burnt and consumed, with which fire halfe the Citie had
like to have beene burnt; when the Portugales had done
this, they were without all hope to recover any part of
their goods againe, which goods might amount to the
summe of sixteene thousand duckats, which, if they had
not set fire to the towne, they might have had againe
without any losse at all. Then the Portugales understanding that this thing was not done by the consent of
the king, but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the
citie were very ill content, knowing that they had made
a great fault, yet the next morning following, the Portugales beganne to bende and shoot their ordinance against
the Citie, which batterie of theirs continued foure days,
but all was in vaine, for the shotte never hit the Citie, but
lighted on the top of a small hill neere unto it, so that the
citie had no harme. When the Retor perceived that the
Portugales made battery against the Citie, hee tooke one
and twentie Portugales that were there in the Citie, and
sent them foure miles into the Countrey, there to tarry
untill such time as the other Portugales were departed,
that made the batterie, who after their departure let them
goe at their owne libertie without any harme done unto
them. I my selfe was alwayes in my house with a good
guard appointed me by the Retor, that no man should
doe me injurie, nor harme me nor my goods; in such
wise that hee perfourmed all that he had promised me
in the name of the king, but he would not let me depart
before the comming of the king, which was greatly to
my hinderance, because I was twenty and one moneths
sequestred, that I could not buy nor sell any kinde of
marchandize. Those commodities that I brought thither,
were peper, sandols, and Porcellan of China: so when
the king was come home, I made my supplication unto
him, and I was licenced to depart when I would.
From Martavan I departed to goe to the chiefest Citie
in the kingdome of Pegu
, which is also called after the
name of the kingdome, which voyage is made by sea in
three or foure daies; they may goe also by lande, but
it is better for him that hath marchandize to goe by sea
and lesser charge. And in this voyage you shall have a
Macareo, which is one of the most marvellous things in
the world that nature hath wrought, and I never saw any
thing so hard to be beleeved as this, to wit, the great
increasing & diminishing of the water there at one push
or instant, and the horrible earthquake and great noyse
that the said Macareo maketh where it commeth. We
departed from Martavan in barkes, which are like to our
Pylot boates, with the increase of the water, and they
goe as swift as an arrowe out of a bow, so long as the
tide runneth with them, and when the water is at the
highest, then they drawe themselves out of the Chanell
towardes some banke, and there they come to anker, and
when the water is diminished, then they rest on dry land:
and when the barkes rest dry, they are as high from the
bottome of the Chanell, as any house top is high from
the ground. They let their barkes lie so high for this
respect, that if there should any shippe rest or ride in the
Chanell, with such force commeth in the water, that it
would overthrowe shippe or barke: yet for all this, that
the barkes be so farre out of the Channell, and though
the water hath lost her greatest strength and furie before
it come so high, yet they make fast their prowe to the
streme, and oftentimes it maketh them very fearefull,
and if the anker did not holde her prow up by strength,
shee would be overthrowen and lost with men and goods.
When the water beginneth to increase, it maketh such
a noyse and so great that you would thinke it an earthquake, and presently at the first it maketh three waves.
So that the first washeth over the barke, from stemme
to sterne, the second is not so furious as the first, and
the thirde rayseth the Anker, and then for the space of
sixe houres while the water encreaseth, they rowe with
such swiftnesse that you would thinke they did fly: in
these tydes there must be lost no jot of time, for if you
arrive not at the stagions before the tyde be spent, you
must turne backe from whence you came. For there is
no staying at any place, but at these stagions, and there
is more daunger at one of these places then at another,
as they be higher and lower one then another. When
as you returne from Pegu
to Martavan, they goe but halfe
the tide at a time, because they will lay their barkes
up aloft on the bankes, for the reason aforesayd. I could
never gather any reason of the noyse that this water
maketh in the increase of the tide, and in deminishing of
the water. There is another Macareo in
Cambaya, but
that is nothing in comparison of this. By the helpe of
God we came safe to Pegu
, which are two cities, the olde
and the newe, in the olde citie are the Marchant strangers,
and marchantes of the Countrey, for there are the greatest
doings and the greatest trade. This citie is not very
great, but it hath very great suburbes. Their houses be
made with canes, and covered with leaves, or with strawe,
but the marchants have all one house or Magason, which
house they call Godon which is made of brickes, and
there they put all their goods of any valure, to save them
from the often mischances that there happen to houses
made of such stuffe. In the new citie is the pallace of
the king, and his abiding place with all his barons and
nobles, and other gentlemen; and in the time that I was
there, they finished the building of the new citie: it is a
great citie, very plaine and flat, and foure square, walled
round about and with ditches that compasse the wals
about with water, in which diches are many crocodils,
it hath no drawe bridges, yet it hath twentie gates, five
for every square on the walles, there are many places
made for centinels to watch, made of wood and covered
or guilt with gold, the streetes thereof are the fayrest
that I have seene, they are as streight as a line from one
gate to another, and standing at the one gate you may
discover to the other, and they are as broad as 10 or 12
men may ride a breast in them: and those streetes that
be thwart are faire and large, these streetes, both on
the one side and on the other, are planted at the doores
of the houses, with nut trees of India, which make a very
commodious shadowe, the houses be made of wood and
covered with a kind of tiles in forme of cups, very necessary for their use, the kings palace is in the middle of
the citie, made in forme of a walled castle, with ditches
full of water round about it, the lodgings within are made
of wood all over gilded, with fine pinacles, and very costly
worke, covered with plates of golde. Truely it may be
a kings house: within the gate there is a faire large court,
from the one side to the other, wherein there are made
places for the strongest and stoutest Eliphants appointed
for the service of the kings person, and amongst all other
Eliphants, he hath foure that be white, a thing so rare
that a man shall hardly finde another king that hath any
such, and if this king knowe any other that hath white
Eliphantes, he sendeth for them as for a gift. The time
that I was there, there were two brought out of a farre
Countrey, and that cost me something the sight of them,
for they commaund the marchants to goe to see them,
and then they must give somewhat to the men that bring
them: the brokers of the marchants give for every man
halfe a duckat, which they call a Tansa, which amounteth
to a great summe, for the number of merchants that are
in that citie; and when they have payde the aforesayde
Tansa, they make chuse whether they will see them at
that time or no, because that when they are in the kings
stall, every man may see them that will: but at that time
they must goe and see them, for it is the kings pleasure
it should be so. This King amongst all other his titles,
is called the King of the white Eliphants, and it is
reported that if this king knewe any other king that had
any of these white Eliphantes, and would not send them
unto him, that he would hazard his whole kingdome to
conquer them, he esteemeth these white Eliphants very
deerely, and they are had in great regard, and kept with
very meete service, every one of them is in a house, all
guilded over, and they have their meate given them in
vessels of silver and golde, there is one blacke Eliphant
the greatest that hath bene seene, and he is kept according
to his bignesse, he is nine cubites high, which is a marveilous thing. It is reported that this king hath foure
thousand Elephants of warre, and all have their teeth,
and they use to put on their two uppermost teeth sharpe
pikes of yron, and make them fast with rings, because
these beastes fight, and make battell with their teeth;
hee hath also very many yong Eliphants that have not
their teeth sprowted foorth: also this king hath a brave
devise in hunting to take these Eliphants when hee will,
two miles from the Citie. He hath builded a faire pallace
all guilded, and within it a faire Court, and within it and
rounde about there are made an infinite number of places
for men to stande to see this hunting: neere unto this
Pallace is a mighty great wood, through the which the
hunts-men of the king ride continually on the backs of
the feminine Eliphants, teaching them in this businesse.
Every hunter carieth out with him five or sixe of these
feminines, and they say that they anoynt the secret place
with a certaine composition that they have, that when
the wilde Eliphant doeth smell thereunto, they followe
the feminines and cannot leave them: when the huntsmen have made provision, & the Eliphant is so entangled,
they guide the feminines towards the Pallace which is
called Tambell, and this Pallace hath a doore which doth
open and shut with engines, before which doore there
is a long streight way with trees on both the sides, which
covereth the way in such wise as it is like darkenesse in
a corner: the wilde Eliphant when he commeth to this
way, thinketh that he is in the woods. At end of this
darke way there is a great field, when the hunters have
gotten this praye, when they first come to this field, they
send presently to give knowledge thereof to the Citie,
and with all speed there go out fiftie or sixtie men on
horsebacke, and doe beset the fielde rounde about: in the
great fielde then the females which are taught in this
businesse goe directly to the mouth of the darke way,
and when as the wilde Eliphant is entred in there, the
hunters shoute and make a great noyse, asmuch as is
possible, to make the wilde Eliphant enter in at the gate
of that Pallace, which is then open, and assoone as hee
is in, the gate is shut without any noyse, and so the
hunters with the female Eliphants and the wilde one are
all in the Court together, and then within a small time
the females withdraw themselves away one by one out
of the Court, leaving the wilde Eliphant alone: and when:
he perceiveth that he is left alone, he is so madde that
for two or three houres to see him, it is the greatest
pleasure in the world: he weepeth, hee flingeth, hee
runneth, he justleth, hee thrusteth under the places where
the people stand to see him, thinking to kil some of them,
but the posts and timber is so strong and great, that hee
cannot hurt any body, yet hee oftentimes breaketh his
teeth in the grates; at length when hee is weary and hath
laboured his body that hee is all wet with sweat, then
he plucketh in his truncke into his mouth, and then hee
throweth out so much water out of his belly, that he
sprinckleth it over the heades of the lookers on, to the
uttermost of them, although it bee very high: and then
when they see him very weary, there goe certaine officers
into the Court with long sharpe canes in their hands, and
prick him that they make him to goe into one of the
houses that is made alongst the Court for the same purpose: as there are many which are made long and narrow,
that when the Eliphant is in, he cannot turne himself to
go backe againe. And it is requisite that these men
should be very wary and swift, for although their canes
be long, yet the Eliphant would kill them if they were
not swift to save themselves: at length when they have
gotten him into one of those houses, they stand over him
in a loft and get ropes under his belly and about his
necke, and about his legges, and binde him fast, and so
let him stand foure or five dayes, and give him neither
meate nor drinke. At the ende of these foure or five
dayes, they unloose him and put one of the females unto
him, and give them meate and drinke, and in eight dayes
he is become tame. In my judgment there is not a beast
so intellective as are these Eliphants, nor of more understanding in al the world: for he wil do all things that
his keeper saith, so that he lacketh nothing but humaine
speech.
It is reported that the greatest strength that the king
of Pegu
hath is in these Eliphants, for when they goe to
battell, they set on their backes a Castle of wood bound
thereto, with bands under their bellies: and in every
Castle foure men very commodiously set to fight with
hargubushes, with bowes and arrowes, with darts and
pikes, and other launcing weapons: and they say that
the skinne of this Eliphant is so hard, that an harquebusse
will not pierce it, unlesse it bee in the eye, temples, or
some other tender place of his body. And besides this,
they are of great strength, and have a very excellent
order in their battel, as I have seene at their feastes which
they make in the yeere, in which feastes the king maketh
triumphes, which is a rare thing and worthy memorie,
that in so barbarous a people there should be such goodly
orders as they have in their armies, which be distinct in
squares of Eliphants, of horsemen, of harquebushers and
pikemen, that truly the number of them are infinite: but
their armour and weapons are very nought and weake as
well the one as the other: they have very bad pikes, their
swords are worse made, like long knives without points,
his harquebushes are most excellent, and alway in his
warres he hath eightie thousand harquebushes, and the
number of them encreaseth dayly. Because the king will
have them shoote every day at the Plancke, and so by
continuall exercise they become most excellent shot: also
hee hath great Ordinance made of very good mettall;
to conclude there is not a King on the earth that hath
more power or strength then this king of Pegu
, because
hee hath twentie and sixe crowned kings at his commaunde. He can make in his Campe a million and an
halfe of men of warre in the fielde against his enemies.
The state of his kingdome and maintenance of his army,
is a thing incredible to consider, & the victuals that should
maintaine such a number of people in the warres: but he
that knoweth the nature and qualitie of that people, will
easily beleeve it. I have seene with mine eyes, that those
people and souldiers have eaten of all sorts of wild beasts
that are on the earth, whether it bee very filthie or otherwise all serveth for their mouthes: yea, I have seene
them eate Scorpions and Serpents, also they feed of all
kinde of herbes and grasse. So that if such a great armie
want not water and salt, they wil maintaine themselves
a long time in a bush with rootes, flowers and leaves
of trees, they cary rice with them for their voyage, &
that serveth them in stead of comfits, it is so daintie unto
them. This king of Pegu
hath not any army or power
by sea, but in the land, for people, dominions, golde and
silver, he farre exceeds the power of the great Turke
in treasure and strength. This king hath divers Magasons ful of treasure, as gold, & silver, and every day he
encreaseth it more and more, and it is never diminished.
Also hee is Lord of the Mines of Rubies, Safires & Spinels.
Neere unto his royal pallace there is an inestimable
treasure whereof hee maketh no accompt, for that it
standeth in such a place that every one may see it, and
the place where this treasure is, is a great Court walled
round about with walls of stone, with two gates which
stand open every day. And within this place or Court
are foure gilded houses covered with lead, & in every
one of these are certaine heathenish idoles of a very great
valure. In the first house there is a stature of the image
of a man of gold very great, & on his head a crowne of
gold beset with most rare Rubies and Safires, and round
about him are 4. litle children of gold. In the second
house there is the stature of a man of silver, that is set
as it were sitting on heapes of money: whose stature in
height, as hee sitteth, is so high, that his highnesse
exceedes the height of any one roofe of an house; I
measured his feete, and found that they were as long as
all my body was in height, with a crowne on his head
like to the first. And in the thirde house, there is a
stature of brasse of the same bignesse, with a like crowne
on his head. In the 4. and last house there is a stature
of a man as big as the other, which is made of Gansa,
which is the metall they make their money of, & this
metall is made of copper & leade mingled together. This
stature also hath a crowne on his head like the first:
this treasure being of such a value as it is, standeth in
an open place that every man at his pleasure may go
& see it: for the keepers therof never forbid any man
the sight thereof. I say as I have said before, that this
king every yere in his feastes triumpheth: & because it
is worthy of the noting, I thinke it meet to write therof,
which is as foloweth. The king rideth on a triumphant
cart or wagon all gilded, which is drawen by 16. goodly
horses: and this cart is very high with a goodly canopy
over it, behind the cart goe 20. of his Lordes & nobles,
with every one a rope in his hand made fast to the cart
for to hold it upright that it fal not. The king sitteth
in the middle of the cart; & upon the same cart about
the king stande 4. of his nobles most favored of him, and
before this cart wherein the king is, goeth all his army
as aforesaid, and in the middle of his army goeth all his
nobilitie, round about the cart, there are in his dominions,
a marveilous thing it is to see so many people, such riches
& such good order in a people so barbarous as they be.
This king of Pegu
hath one principal wife which is kept
in a Seralio, he hath 300 concubines, of whom it is
reported that he hath 90. children. This king sitteth every
day in person to heare the suites of his subjects, but he
nor they never speake one to another, but by supplications
made in this order. The king sitteth up aloft in a great
hall, on a tribunall seat, and lower under him sit all his
Barons round about, then those that demaund audience
enter into a great Court before the king, and there set
them downe on the ground 40. paces distant from the
kings person, and amongst those people there is no
difference in matters of audience before the king, but all
alike, and there they sit with their supplications in their
hands, which are made of long leaves of a tree, these
leaves are 3. quarters of a yard long, & two fingers broad,
which are written with a sharpe iron made for yt purpose,
& in those leaves are their supplications written, & with
their supplications, they have in their hands a present
or gift, according to the waightines of their matter.
Then come ye secretaries downe to read these supplications, taking them & reading them before the king, &
if the king think it good to do to them that favour or
justice that they demaund, then he commandeth to take
the presents out of their hands: but if he thinke their
demand be not just or according to right, he commandeth
them away without taking of their gifts or presents. In
the Indies there is not any marchandise that is good to
bring to Pegu
, unlesse it bee at some times by chance
to bring Opium of Cambaia, and if he bring money he
shall lose by it. Now the commodities that come from
S. Tome are the onely marchandize for that place, which
is the great quantity of cloth made there, which they use
in Pegu
; which cloth is made of bombast woven and
painted, so that the more that kinde of cloth is washed,
the more livelie they shewe their colours, which is a rare
thing, and there is made such accompt of this kinde of
cloth which is of so great importance, that a small bale
of it will cost a thousand or two thousand duckets. Also
from S. Tome they layd great store of red yarne, of
bombast died with a roote which they call Saia, as aforesayd, which colour will never out. With which marchandise every yeere there goeth a great shippe from S. Tome
to Pegu
, of great importance, and they usually depart
from S. Tome to Pegu
the 11. or 12. of September, & if
she stay until the twelfth, it is a great hap if she returne.
not without making of her voiage. Their use was to
depart the sixt of September, and then they made sure
voyages, and now because there is a great labour about
that kind of cloth to bring it to perfection, and that it
be well dried, as also the greedinesse of the Captaine that
would make an extraordinary gaine of his fraight, thinking to have the wind alwayes to serve their turne, they
stay so long, that at sometimes the winde turneth. For
in those parts the windes blow firmely for certaine times,
with the which they goe to Pegu
with the winde in poope,
and if they arrive not there before the winde change, and
get ground to anker, perforce they must returne backe
againe: for that the gales of the winde blowe there for
three or foure moneths together in one place with great
force. But if they get the coast & anker there, then with
great labour they may save their voyage. Also there
goeth another great shippe from Bengala every yeere,
laden with fine cloth of bombast of all sorts, which
arriveth in the harbour of Pegu
, when the ship that commeth from S. Tome departeth. The harbour where these
two ships arrive is called Cosmin. From Malaca to Martavan, which is a port in Pegu
, there come many small
ships, and great, laden with pepper, Sandolo, Porcellan
of China, Camfora, Bruneo and other marchandise. The
ships that come from Mecca
enter into the port of Pegu
and Cirion, and those shippes bring cloth of Wooll,
Scarlets, Velvets, Opium, and Chickinos, by the which
they lose, and they bring them because they have no
other thing that is good for Pegu
: but they esteeme not
the losse of them, for that they make such great gaine
of their commodities that they cary from thence out of
that kingdome. Also the king of Assi his ships come
thither into the same port laden with peper; from the
coast of S. Tome of Bengala out of the
Sea of Bara to
Pegu
are three hundreth miles, and they go it up the
river in foure daies, with the encreasing water, or with
the flood, to a City called Cosmin, and there they discharge their ships, whither the Customers of Pegu come
to take the note and markes of all the goods of every
man, & take the charge of the goods on them, and convey
them to Pegu
, into the kings house, wherin they make
the custome of the marchandize. When the Customers
have taken the charge of the goods & put them into barks,
the
Retor of the City giveth licence to the Marchants
to take barke, and goe up to Pegu
with their marchandize; and so three or foure of them take a barke and
goe up to Pegu
in company. God deliver every man that
hee give not a wrong note, and entrie, or thinke to steale
any custome: for if they do, for the least trifle that is,
he is utterly undone, for the king doeth take it for a
most great affront to bee deceived of his custome; and
therefore they make diligent searches, three times at the
lading and unlading of the goods, and at the taking of
them a land. In Pegu
this search they make when they
goe out of the ship for Diamonds, Pearles, and fine
cloth which taketh little roome: for because that all the
jewels that come into Pegu
, and are not found of that
countrey, pay custome, but Rubies, Safyres and Spinels
pay no custome in nor out: because they are found growing in that Countrey. I have spoken before, how that
all Marchants that meane to goe thorow the Indies, must
cary al maner of household stuffe with them which is necessary for a house, because that there is not any lodging
nor Innes nor hostes, nor chamber roome in that Countrey,
but the first thing a man doth when he commeth to any
City is to hier a house, either by the yeere or by the
moneth, or as he meanes to stay in those parts.
In Pegu
their order is to hire their houses for sixe
moneths. Nowe from Cosmin to the Citie of Pegu they
goe in sixe houres with the flood, and if it be ebbing
water, then they make fast their boate to the river side,
and there tary until the water flow againe. It is a very
commodious and pleasant voyage, having on both sides of
the rivers many great vilages, which they call Cities : in
the which hennes, pigeons, egges, milke, rice, and other
things be very good cheape. It is all plaine, and a goodly
Countrey, and in eight dayes you may make your voyage
up to Macceo, distant from Pegu
twelve miles, & there
they discharge their goods, & lade them in Carts or waines
drawen with oxen, and the Marchants are caried in a
closet which they call Deling, in the which a man shall
be very well accommodated, with cushions under his head,
and covered for the defence of the Sunne and raine, and
there he may sleepe if he have wil thereunto: and his
foure Falchines cary him running away, changing two at
one time and two at another. The custome of Pegu
and
fraight thither, may amount unto twentie or twentie two
per cento, and 23. according as he hath more or lesse
stolen from him that day they custome the goods. It is
requisite that a man have his eyes watchfull, and to be
carefull, and to have many friendes, for when they custome in the great hall of the king, there come many
gentlemen accompanied with a number of their slaves,
and these gentlemen have no shame that their slaves rob
strangers : whether it be cloth in shewing of it or any
other thing, they laugh at it. And although the Marchants helpe one another to keepe watch, & looke to their
goods, they cannot looke therto so narrowly but one or
other wil rob something, either more or lesse, according
as their marchandise is more or lesse: and yet on this
day there is a worse thing then this: although you have
set so many eyes to looke there for your benefit, that you
escape unrobbed of the slaves, a man cannot choose but
that he must be robbed of the officers of the custome
house. For paying the custome with the same goods
oftentimes they take the best that you have, & not by rate
of every sort as they ought to do, by which meanes a
man payeth more then his dutie. At length when the
goods be dispatched out of the custome house in this
order, the Marchant causeth them to be caried to his
house, and may do with them at his pleasure.
There are in Pegu
8. brokers of the kings, which are
called Tareghe, who are bound to sell all the marchandize
which come to Pegu
, at the common or the currant price:
then if the marchants wil sell their goods at that price,
they sel them away, and the brokers have two in the
hundreth of every sort of marchandise, and they are
bound to make good the debts of those goods, because
they be sold by their hands or meanes, & on their wordes,
and oftentimes the marchant knoweth not to whom he
giveth his goods, yet he cannot lose any thing thereby,
for that the broker is bound in any wise to pay him, and
if the marchant sel his goods without the consent of the
broker, yet neverthelesse he must pay him two per cento,
and be in danger of his money: but this is very seldom
seene, because the wife, children, and slaves of the debtor
are bound to the creditor, and when his time is expired
and paiment not made, the creditor may take the debtor
and cary him home to his house, and shut him up in
a Magasin, whereby presently he hath his money, and
not being able to pay the creditor, he may take the wife,
children, and slaves of the debtor, and sel them, for so
is the lawe of that kingdome. The currant money that
is in this city, and throughout all this kingdom is called
Gansa or Ganza, which is made of Copper and leade:
It is not the money of the king, but every man may stamp
it that wil, because it hath his just partition or value:
but they make many of them false, by putting overmuch
lead into them, and those will not passe, neither will any
take them. With this money Ganza, you may buy golde
or silver, Rubies and Muske, and other things. For
there is no other money currant amongst them. And
Golde, silver and other marchandize are at one time
dearer then another, as all other things be.
This Ganza goeth by weight of Byze, & this name of
Byza goeth for ye accompt of the weight, and commonly
a Byza of a Ganza is worth (after our accompt) halfe a
ducat, litle more or lesse: and albeit that Gold and silver
is more or lesse in price, yet the Byza never changeth:
every Byza maketh a hundreth Ganza of weight, and so
the number of the money is Byza. He that goeth to
Pegu
to buy Jewels, if he wil do well, it behoveth him
to be a whole yere there to do his businesse. For if so
be that he would return with the ship he came in, he
cannot do any thing so conveniently for the brevitie of
the time, because that when they custome their goods
in Pegu
that come from S. Tome in their ships, it is as
it were about Christmas: and when they have customed
their goods, then must they sell them for their credits
sake for a moneth or two: and then at the beginning of
March the ships depart. The Marchants that come from
S. Tome take for the paiment of their goods, gold, and
silver, which is never wanting there. And 8. or 10. dayes
before their departure they are all satisfied: also they
may have Rubies in paiment, but they make no accompt
of them : and they that will winter there for another yere,
it is needfull that they be advertized, that in the sale of
their goods, they specifie in their bargaine, the terme of
two or 3. moneths paiment, & that their paiment shalbe
in so many Ganza, and neither golde nor silver: because
that with the Ganza they may buy & sel every thing with
great advantage. And how needful is it to be advertized,
when they wil recover their paiments, in what order they
shal receive their Ganza? Because he that is not experienced may do himselfe great wrong in the weight of the
Gansa, as also in the falsenesse of them: in the weight
he may be greatly deceived, because that from place to
place it doth rise and fall greatly: and therefore when
any wil receive money or make paiment, he must take
a publique wayer of money, a day or two before he go
about his businesse, and give him in paiment for his
labour two Byzaes a moneth, and for this he is bound
to make good all your money, & to maintaine it for good,
for that hee receiveth it and scales the bags with his
seale: and when hee hath received any store, then hee
causeth it to bee brought into the Magason of the Marchant, that is the owner of it.
That money is very weightie, for fourtie Byza is a
strong Porters burden; and also where the Marchant
hath any payment to be made for those goods which he
buyeth, the Common wayer of money that receiveth his
money must make the payment thereof. So that by this
meanes, the Marchant with the charges of two Byzes a
moneth, receiveth and payeth out his money without losse
or trouble. The Marchandizes that goe out of Pegu
are
Gold, Silver, Rubies, Saphyres, Spinelles, great store of
Benjamin, long peper, Leade, Lacca, rice, wine, some
sugar, yet there might be great store of sugar made in
the Countrey, for that they have aboundance of Canes,
but they give them to Eliphants to eate, and the people
consume great store of them for food, and many more
doe they consume in vaine things, as these following.
In that kingdome they spend many of these Sugar canes
in making of houses and tents which they call Varely
for their idoles, which they call Pagodes, whereof there
are great aboundance, great and smal, and these houses
are made in forme of little hilles, like to Sugar loaves or to
Bells, and some of these houses are as high as a reasonable steeple, at the foote they are very large, some of
them be in circuit a quarter of a mile. The saide houses
within are full of earth, and walled round about with
brickes and dirt in steade of lime, and without forme,
from the top to the foote they make a covering for them
with Sugar canes, and plaister it with lime all over, for
otherwise they would bee spoyled, by the great aboundance of raine that falleth in those Countreys. Also they
consume about these Varely or idol houses great store
of leafe-gold, for that they overlay all the tops of the
houses with gold, and some of them are covered with
golde from the top to the foote: in covering whereof there
is great store of gold spent, for that every 10. yeeres
they new overlay them with gold, from the top to the
foote, so that with this vanitie they spend great aboundance of golde. For every 10. yeres the raine doeth
consume the gold from these houses. And by this meanes
they make golde dearer in Pegu
then it would bee, if
they consumed not so much in this vanitie. Also it is
a thing to bee noted in the buying of jewels in Pegu
,
that he that hath no knowledge shall have as good jewels,
and as good cheap, as he that hath bene practized there
a long time, which is a good order, and it is in this wise.
There are in Pegu
foure men of good reputation, which
are called Tareghe, or brokers of Jewels. These foure
men have all the Jewels or Rubies in their handes, and
the Marchant that wil buy commeth to one of these
Tareghe and telleth him, that he hath so much money to
imploy in Rubies. For through the hands of these foure
men passe all the Rubies: for they have such quantitie,
that they knowe not what to doe with them, but sell
them at most vile and base prices. When the Marchant
hath broken his mind to one of these brokers or Tareghe,
they cary him home to one of their Shops, although he
hath no knowledge in Jewels: and when the Jewellers
perceive that hee will employ a good round summe, they
will make a bargaine, and if not, they let him alone. The
use generally of this Citie is this; that when any Marchant hath bought any great quantitie of Rubies, and
hath agreed for them, hee carieth them home to his house,
let them be of what value they will, he shall have space
to looke on them and peruse them two or three dayes:
and if he hath no knowledge in them, he shall alwayes
have many Marchants in that Citie that have very good
knowledge in Jewels; with whom he may alwayes conferre and take counsell, and may shew them unto whom
he will; and if he finde that hee hath not employed his
money well, hee may returne his Jewels backe to them
whom hee had them of, without any losse at all. Which
thing is such a shame to the Tareghe to have his Jewels
returne, that he had rather beare a blow on the face
then that it should be thought that he solde them so deere
to have them returned. For these men have alwayes
great care that they affoord good peniworths, especially
to those that have no knowledge. This they doe, because
they woulde not loose their credite: and when those Marchants that have knowledge in Jewels buy any, if they
buy them deere, it is their own faults and not the brokers :
yet it is good to have knowledge in Jewels, by reason
that it may somewhat ease the price. There is also a
very good order which they have in buying of Jewels,
which is this; There are many Marchants that stand by
at the making of the bargaine, and because they shall
not understand howe the Jewels be solde, the Broker
and the Marchants have their hands under a cloth, and
by touching of fingers and nipping the joynts they know
what is done, what is bidden, and what is asked. So
that the standers by knowe not what is demaunded for
them, although it be for a thousand or 10. thousand
duckets. For every joynt and every finger hath his signification. For if the Marchants that stande by should
understand the bargaine, it would breede great controversie amongst them. And at my being in Pegu
in the
moneth of August, in
Anno 1569. having gotten well by
my endevour, I was desirous to see mine owne Countrey,
and I thought it good to goe by the way of S. Tome,
but then I should tary until March.
In which journey I was counsailed, yea, and fully
resolved to go by the way of Bengala, with a shippe
there ready to depart for that voyage. And then wee
departed from Pegu
to Chatigan a great harbour or port,
from whence there goe smal ships to Cochin, before the
fleete depart for Portugall, in which ships I was fully
determined to goe to Lisbon
, and so to Venice
. When
I had thus resolved my selfe, I went a boord of the
shippe of Bengala, at which time it was the yeere of
Touffon : concerning which Touffon ye are to understand,
that in the East Indies often times, there are not stormes
as in other countreys; but every 10. or 12. yeeres there
are such tempests and stormes, that it is a thing
incredible, but to those that have scene it, neither do
they know certainly what yeere they wil come.
Unfortunate are they that are at sea in that yere and
time of the Touffon, because few there are that escape
that danger. In this yere it was our chance to be at sea
with the like storme, but it happened well unto us, for
that our ship was newly over-plancked, and had not any
thing in her save victuall and balasts, Silver and golde,
which from Pegu
they cary to Bengala, and no other
kinde of Marchandise. This Touffon or cruel storme
endured three dayes and three nights: in which time it
caried away our sailes, yards, and rudder; and because
the shippe laboured in the Sea, wee cut our mast over
boord: which when we had done she laboured a great
deale more then before, in such wise, that she was almost
full with water that came over the highest part of her
and so went downe: and for the space of three dayes
and three nights sixtie men did nothing but hale water
out of her in this wise, twentie men in one place, and
twentie men in another place, and twentie in a thirde
place: and for all this storme, the shippe was so good,
that shee tooke not one jot of water below through her
sides, but all ran downe through the hatches, so that
those sixtie men did nothing but cast the Sea into the
Sea. And thus driving too and fro as the winde and
Sea would, we were in a darke night about foure of the
clocke cast on a sholde: yet when it was day, we could
neither see land on one side nor other, and knew not
where we were. And as it pleased the divine power, there
came a great wave of the Sea, which drave us beyonde
the should. And when wee felt the shippe aflote, we rose
up as men revived, because the Sea was calme and smooth
water, and then sounding we found twelve fadome water,
and within a while after wee had but sixe fadome, and
then presently we came to anker with a small anker that
was left us at the sterne, for all our other were lost in
the storme: and by and by the shippe strooke a ground,
and then wee did prop her that she should not overthrow.
When it was day the shippe was all dry, and wee
found her a good mile from the Sea on drie land. This Touffon being ended, we discovered an Island not farre
from us, and we went from the shippe on the sands to
see what Island it was : and wee found it a place inhabited,
and, to my judgement, the fertilest Island in all the world,
the which is divided into two parts by a chanell which
passeth betweene it, & with great trouble we brought our
ship into the same chanel, which parteth the Island at
flowing water, and there we determined to stay 40. dayes
to refresh us. And when the people of the Island saw
the ship, and that we were comming a land: presently
they. made a place of bazar or a market, with shops right
over against the ship with all maner of provision of
victuals to eate, which they brought downe in great
abundance, and sold it so good cheape, that we were
amazed at the cheapenesse thereof. I bought many salted
kine there, for the provision of the ship, for halfe a Larine
a piece, which Larine may be 12. shillings sixe pence,
being very good and fat; and 4. wilde hogges ready
dressed for a Larine; great fat hennes for a Bizze a piece,
which is at the most a pennie: and the people told us that
we were deceived the halfe of our money, because we
bought things so deare. Also a sacke of fine rice for a
thing of nothing, and consequently all other things for
humaine sustenance were there in such aboundance, that
it is a thing incredible but to them that have seene it.
This Island is called Sondiva belonging to the kingdome
of Bengala, distant 120. miles from Chatigan, to which
place wee were bound. The people are Moores, and the
king a very good man of a Moore
king, for if he had
bin a tyrant as others be, he might have robbed us of
all, because the Portugall captaine of Chatigan was in
armes against the Retor of that place, & every day there
were some slaine, at which newes we rested there with no
smal feare, keeping good watch and ward aboord every
night as the use is, but the governour of the towne did
comfort us, and bad us that we should feare nothing, but
that we should repose our selves securely without any
danger, although the Portugales of Chatigan had slaine
the governour of that City, and said that we were not
culpable in that fact: and moreover he did us every day
what pleasure he could, which was a thing contrary to
our expectations considering that they & the people of
Chatigan were both subjects to one king. We departed
from Sondiva, & came to Chatigan the great port of
Bengala, at the same time when the Portugales had made
peace and taken a truce with the governours of the towne,
with this condition that the chiefe Captaine of the Portugales with his ship should depart without any lading:
for there were then at that time 18. ships of Portugales
great and small. This Captaine being a Gentleman and
of good courage, was notwithstanding contented to depart
to his greatest hinderance, rather then hee would seeke
to hinder so many of his friends as were there, as also
because the time of the yeere was spent to go to the
Indies. The night before he departed, every ship that
had any lading therein, put it aboord of the Captaine to
helpe to ease his charge and to recompence his courtesies.
In this time there came a messenger from the king of
Rachim to this Portugal Captaine, who saide in the
behalfe of his king, that hee had heard of the courage
and valure of him, desiring him gently that he would
vouchsafe to come with the ship into his port, and comming thither he should be very wel intreated. This Portugal
went thither and was very well satisfied of this
King.
This King of Rachim hath his seate in the middle coast
betweene Bengala and Pegu
, and the greatest enemie he
hath is the king of Pegu
: which king of Pegu
deviseth
night and day how to make this king of Rachim his
subject, but by no meanes hee is able to doe it: because
the king of Pegu
hath no power nor armie by Sea. And
this king of Rachim may arme two hundreth Galleyes or
Fusts by Sea, and by land he hath certaine sluses with
the which when the king of Pegu
pretendeth any harme
towards him, hee may at his pleasure drowne a great
part of the Countrey. So that by this meanes hee cutteth
off the way whereby the king of Pegu
should come with
his power to hurt him.
From the great port of Chatigan they cary for the
Indies great store of rice, very great quantitie of Bombast
cloth of every sort, Suger, come, and money, with other
marchandize. And by reason of the warres in Chatigan,
the Portugall ships taried there so long, that they arrived
not at Cochin so soone as they were wont to doe other
yeeres. For which cause the fleete that was at Cochin
was departed for Portugal
before they arrived there, and
I being in one of the small shippes before the fleete, in
discovering of Cochin, we also discovered the last shippe
of the Fleete that went from Cochin to Portugall, where
shee made saile, for which I was marveilously discomforted, because that all the yeere following, there was
no going for Portugale, and when we arrived at Cochin
I was fully determined to goe for Venice
by the way of
Ormus, and at that time the Citie of Goa was besieged
by the people of Dialcan, but the Citizens forced not this
assault, because they supposed that it would not continue
long. For all this I embarked my selfe in a Galley that
went for Goa, meaning there to shippe my selfe for
Ormus: but when we came to Goa, the Viceroy would
not suffer any Portugal
to depart, by reason of the warres.
And being in Goa but a small time, I fell sicke of an
infirmitie that helde mee foure moneths: which with
phisicke and diet cost me eight hundred duckets, and
there I was constrained to sell a smal quantitie of Rubies
to sustaine my neede: and I solde that for five hundreth
duckets, that was worth a thousand. And when I
beganne to waxe well of my disease, I had but little of
that money left, every thing was so scarse: For every
chicken (and yet not good) cost mee seven or eight Livers,
which is sixe shillings, or sixe shillings eight pence.
Beside this great charges, the Apothecaries with their
medicines were no small charge to me. At the ende of
sixe moneths they raised the siege, and then I beganne
to worke, for Jewels were risen in their prices: for,
whereas before I sold a few of refused Rubies, I determined then to sell the rest of all my Jewels that I had
there, and to make an other voyage to Pegu
. And for
because that at my departure from Pegu
, Opium was in
great request, I went then to Cambaya to imploy a good
round summe of money in Opium, and there I bought 60.
percels of Opium, which cost me two thousand & a
hundreth duckets, every ducket at foure shillings two
pence. Moreover I bought three bales of Bombast cloth,
which cost me eight hundred duckats, which was a good
commoditie for Pegu
: when I had bought these things,
the Viceroy commanded that the custome of the Opium
should be paide in Goa, and paying custome there I
might cary it whither I would. I shipped my 3. bales of
cloth at Chaul in a shippe that went for Cochin, and I
went to Goa to pay the aforesaid custome for my Opium,
and from Goa I departed to Cochin in a ship that was
for the voyage of Pegu
, and went to winter then at S.
Tome. When I came to Cochin, I understood that the
ship that had my three bales of cloth was cast away and
lost, so that I lost my 800. Serafins or duckats: and
departing from Cochin to goe for S. Tome, in casting
about for the
Island of Zeilan the Pilote was deceived,
for that the Cape of the
Island of Zeilan lieth farre out
into the sea, and the Pilot thinking that he might have
passed hard aboord the Cape, and paying roomer in the
night; when it was morning we were farre within the
Cape, and past all remedy to go out, by reason the winds
blew so fiercely against us. So that by this meanes we
lost our voyage for that yere, and we went to Manar
with the ship to winter there, the ship having lost her
mastes, and with great diligence we hardly saved her,
with great losses to the Captaine of the ship, because
he was forced to fraight another ship in S. Tome for
Pegu
with great losses and interest, and I with my
friends agreed together in Manar to take a bark to cary
us to S. Tome; which thing we did with al the rest of
the marchants; and ariving at S. Tome I had news
through or by the way of Bengala, that in Pegu Opium
was very deare, and I knew that in S. Tome there was
no Opium but mine to go for Pegu
that yere, so that I
was holden of al the marchants there to be very rich: and
so it would have proved, if my adverse fortune had not
bin contrary to my hope, which was this. At that time
there went a great ship from Cambaya, to the king of
Assi, with great quantitie of Opium, & there to lade
peper: in which voyage there came such a storme, that
the ship was forced with wether to goe roomer 800. miles,
and by this meanes came to Pegu
, whereas they arived
a day before mee; so that Opium which was before very
deare, was now at a base price: so that which was sold
for fiftie Bizze before, was solde for 2. Bizze & an halfe,
there was such quantitie came in that ship; so that I
was glad to stay two yeres in Pegu
unlesse I would
have given away my commoditie : and at the end of two
yeres of my 2100. duckets which I bestowed in
Cambaya,
I made but a thousand duckets. Then I departed againe
from Pegu
to goe for the Indies and for Ormus with
great quantitie of Lacca, and from Ormus I returned into
the Indies for Chaul, and from Chaul to Cochin, and
from Cochin to Pegu
. Once more I lost occasion to
make me riche, for whereas I might have brought good
store of Opium againe, I brought but a little, being fearefull of my other voyage before. In this small quantitie
I made good profite. And now againe I determined to
go for my Countrey, and departing from Pegu
, I tarried
and wintered in Cochin, and then I left the Indies and
came for Ormus.
I thinke it very necessary before I ende my voyage, to
reason somewhat, and to shewe what fruits the Indies do
yeeld and bring forth. First, in the Indies and other
East parts of India there is Peper and ginger, which
groweth in all parts of India. And in some parts of the
Indies, the greatest quantitie of peper groweth amongst
wilde bushes, without any maner of labour: saving, that
when it is ripe they goe and gather it. The tree that the
peper groweth on is like to our Ivie, which runneth up
to the tops of trees wheresoever it groweth : and if it
should not take holde of some tree, it would lie flat and
rot on the ground. This peper tree hath his floure and
berry like in all parts to our Ivie berry, and those berries
be graines of peper: so that when they gather them they
be greene, and then they lay them in the Sunne, and they
become blacke.
The Ginger groweth in this wise: the land is tilled
and sowen, and the herbe is like to Panizzo, and the
roote is the ginger. These two spices grow in divers places.
The Cloves come all from the Moluccas
, which Moluccas
are two Islands, not very great, and the tree that they
grow on is like to our Lawrell tree.
The Nutmegs and Maces, which grow both together,
are brought from the
Island of Banda, whose tree is like
to our walnut tree, but not so big.
All the good white Sandol is brought from the
Island
of Timor. Canfora being compound commeth all from
China
, and all that which groweth in canes commeth from
Borneo
, & I thinke that this Canfora commeth not into
these parts : for that in India they consume great store,
and that is very deare. The good Lignum Aloes commeth
from Cauchinchina.
The Benjamin commeth from the kingdome of Assi
and Sion
.
Long peper groweth in Bengala, Pegu
, and Java
.
Muske commeth from Tartaria, which they make in
this order, as by good information I have bene told.
There is a certaine beast in
Tartaria, which is wilde and
as big as a wolfe, which beast they take alive, & beat
him to death with small staves yt his blood may be spread
through his whole body, then they cut it in pieces, &
take out all the bones, & beat the flesh with the blood
in a morter very smal, and dry it, and make purses to
put it in of the skin, and these be the cods of muske.
Truely I know not whereof the Amber is made, and
there are divers opinions of it, but this is most certaine,
it is cast out of the Sea, and throwne on land, and found
upon the sea bankes.
The Rubies, Saphyres, and the Spinels be gotten in the
kingdome of Pegu
. The Diamants come from divers
places; and I know but three sorts of them. That sort
of Diamants that is called Chiappe, commeth from
Bezeneger. Those that be pointed naturally come from
the land of Delly, and from Java
, but the Diamants of
Java are more waightie then the other. I could never
understand from whence they that are called Balassi
come.
Pearles they fish in divers places, as before in this
booke is showne.
From Cambaza commeth the Spodiom which congeleth
in certaine canes, whereof I found many in Pegu
, when
I made my house there, because that (as I have said
before) they make their houses there of woven canes like
to mats. From Chaul they trade alongst the coast of
Melinde in Ethiopia
, within the land of Cafraria: on that
coast are many good harbors kept by the Moores.
Thither the Portugals bring a kinde of Bombast cloth
of a low price, and great store of Paternosters or beads
made of paltrie glasse, which they make in Chaul according to the use of the Countrey: and from thence they
cary Elephants teeth for India, slaves called Cafari, and
some Amber and Gold. On this coast the king of Portugall hath his castle called Mozambique, which is of as
great importance as any castle that hee hath in all his
Indies under his protection, and the Captaine of this
castle hath certaine voyages to this Cafraria, to which
places no Marchants may goe, but by the Agent of this
Captaine : and they use to goe in small shippes, and trade
with the Cafars, and their trade in buying and selling is
without any speach one to the other. In this wise the
Portugals bring their goods by litle and litle alongst the
Sea coast, and lay them downe: and so depart, and the
Cafar Marchants come and see the goods, & there they
put downe as much gold as they thinke the goods are
worth, and so goe their way and leave their golde and
the goods together, then commeth the Portugal
, and
finding the golde to his content, hee taketh it and goeth
his way into his ship, and then commeth the Cafar and
taketh the goods and carieth them away: and if he finde
the golde there still, it is a signe that the Portugals are
not contented, and if the Cafar thinke he hath put too
little, he addeth more, as he thinketh the thing is worth:
and the Portugales must not stand with them too strickt;
for if they doe, then they will have no more trade with
them: For they disdaine to be refused, when they thinke
that they have offered ynough, for they be a peevish
people, and have dealt so of a long time: and by this
trade the Portugals change their commodities into gold,
and cary it to the Castle of Mozambique, which is in an
Island not farre distant from the firme land of Cafraria
on the coast of Ethiopia
, and is distant from India 2800.
miles. Now to returne to my voyage, when I came to
Ormus, I found there Master Francis Berettin of Venice,
and we fraighted a bark together to goe for Basora for
70. duckets, and with us there went other Marchants,
which did ease our fraight, and very commodiously wee
came to Basora and there we stayed 40. dayes for providing a Carovan of barks to go to Babylon, because they
use not to goe two or 3. barkes at once, but 25. or 30.
because in the night they cannot go, but must make
them fast to the banks of the river, and then we must
make a very good & strong guard, and be wel provided
of armor, for respect & safegard of our goods, because
the number of theeves is great that come to spoile and
rob the marchants. And when we depart for Babylon
we goe a litle with our saile, and the voyage is 38. or
40. dayes long, but we were 50. dayes on it. When we
came to Babylon we stayed there 4. moneths, until the
Carovan was ready to go over the wildernes, or desert for
Alepo; in this citie we were 6. Marchants that accompanied together, five Venetians and a Portugal
; whose
names were as followeth, Messer Florinasa with one of
his kinsmen, Messer Andrea de Polo, the Portugal
& M.
Francis Berettin and I, and so wee furnished our selves
with victuals and beanes for our horses for 40. dayes;
and wee bought horses and mules, for that they bee very
good cheape there, I my selfe bought a horse there for
11. akens, and solde him after in Alepo for 30. duckets.
Also we bought a Tent which did us very great pleasure:
we had also amongst us 32. Camels laden with marchandise: for the which we paid 2. duckets for every camels
lading, and for every 10. camels they made 11, for so is
their use and custome. We take also with us 3. men to
serve us in the voyage, which are used to goe in those
voyages for five D d. a man, and are bound to serve us
to Alepo: so that we passed very well without any
trouble: when the camels cried out to rest, our pavilion
was the first that was erected. The Carovan maketh but
small journeis about 20. miles a day, & they set forwards
every morning before day two houres, and about two in
the afternoone they sit downe. We had great good hap
in our voyage, for that it rained : For which cause we
never wanted water, but every day found good water, so
that we could not take any hurt for want of water. Yet
we caried a camel laden alwayes with water for every
good respect that might chance in the desert, so that wee
had no want neither of one thing, nor other that was to
bee had in the countrey. For wee came very well
furnished of every thing, and every day we eat fresh
mutton, because there came many shepheards with us
with their flocks, who kept those sheepe that we bought
in Babylon, and every marchant marked his sheepe with
his owne marke, and we gave the shepheards a Medin,
which is two pence of our money, for the keeping and
feeding our sheep on the way, and for killing of them.
And beside the Medin they have the heads, the skinnes,
and the intrals of every sheepe they kil. We sixe bought
20. sheepe, and when we came to Alepo we had 7. alive
of them. And in the Carovan they use this order, that the
marchants doe lende flesh one to another, because they
will not cary raw flesh with them, but pleasure one another
by lending one one day, and another another day.
From Babylon to Alepo is 40. dayes journey, of the
which they make 36. dayes over the wildernes, in which
36. dayes they neither see house, trees, nor people that
inhabite it, but onely a plaine, and no signe of any way
in the world. The Pilots go before, and the Carovan
followeth after. And when they sit downe all the
Carovan unladeth and sitteth downe, for they know the
stations where the wells are. I say, in 36. dayes we passe
over the wildernesse. For when wee depart from Babylon
two dayes we passe by villages inhabited until we have
passed the river Euphrates
. And then within two dayes
of Alepo we have villages inhabited. In this Carovan
there goeth alway a Captaine that doth Justice unto all
men: and every night they keepe watch about the
Carovan, and comming to Alepo we went to Tripoli
,
whereas Master Florin, and Master Andrea Polo, and I,
with a Frier, went and hired a barke to goe with us to
Jerusalem. Departing from Tripolie, we arrived at Jaffa
:
from which place in a day and halfe we went to Jerusalem,
and we gave order to our barke to tary for us untill our
returne. Wee stayed in Jerusalem 14. dayes, to visite
those holy places: from whence we returned to Jaffa
, and
from Jaffa
to Tripolie, and there wee shipped our selves
in a ship of Venice
called the Bagazzana: And by the
helpe of the divine power, we arrived safely in Venice
the
fift of November 1581. If there be any that hath any
desire to goe into those partes of India, let him not be
astonied at the troubles that I have passed: because I was
intangled in many things : for that I went very poore from
Venice
with 1200. duckets imployed in marchandize, and
when I came to Tripolie, I fell sicke in the house of
Master Regaly Oratio, and this man sent away my goods
with a small Carovan that went from Tripolie to Alepo,
and the Carovan was robd, and all my goods lost saving
foure chests of glasses which cost me 200. duckets, of
which glasses I found many broken: because the theeves
thinking it had bene other marchandize, brake them up,
and seeing they were glasses they let them all alone.
And with this onely stocke I adventured to goe into
the Indies: And thus with change and rechange, and by
diligence in my voyage, God did blesse and helpe mee, so
that I got a good stocke. I will not be unmindfull to
put them in remembrance, that have a desire to goe into
those parts, how they shall keepe their goods, and give
them to their heires at the time of their death, and howe
this may be done very securely. In all the cities that the
Portugales have in the Indies, there is a house called the
schoole of Sancta misericordia comissaria : the governours
whereof, if you give them for their paines, will take a
coppy of your will and Testament, which you must alwayes
cary about you; and chiefly when you go into the Indies.
In the countrey of the Moores and Gentiles, in those
voyages alwayes there goeth a Captaine to administer
Justice to all Christians of the Portugales. Also this
captaine hath authoritie to recover the goods of those
Marchants that by chance die in those voyages, and they
that have not made their Wills and registred them in the
aforesaide schooles, the Captaines wil consume their
goods in such wise, that litle or nothing will be left for
their heires and friends. Also there goeth in these same
voyages some marchants that are commissaries of the
schoole of Sancta misericordia, that if any Marchant die
and have his Will made, and hath given order that the
schoole of Misericordia shall have his goods and sell them,
then they sende the money by exchange to the schoole of
Misericordia in
Lisbone, with that copie of his Testament,
then from Lisbon
they give intelligence thereof, into what
part of Christendome soever it be, and the heires of such
a one comming thither, with testimoniall that they be
heires, they shall receive there the value of his goods:
in such wise that they shall not loose any thing. But
they that die in the kingdome of Pegu
loose the thirde
part of their goods by ancient custome of the Countrey,
that if any Christian dieth in the kingdome of Pegu
, the
king and his officers rest heires of a thirde of his goods,
and there hath never bene any deceit or fraude used in
this matter. I have knowen many rich men that have
dwelled in Pegu
, and in their age they have desired to
go into their owne Countrey to die there, and have
departed with al their goods and substance without let or
trouble.
In Pegu
the fashion of their apparel is all one, as well
the Noble man, as the simple: the onely difference is in
the finenes of the cloth, which is cloth of Bombast one
finer then another, and they weare their apparell in this
wise : First, a white Bombast cloth which serveth for a
shirt, then they gird another painted bombast cloth of
foureteene brases, which they binde up betwixt their
legges, and on their heads they weare a small tock of
three braces, made in guize of a myter, and some goe
without tocks, and cary (as it were) a hive on their heades,
which doeth not passe the lower part of his eare, when it
is lifted up: they goe all bare footed, but the Noble men
never goe on foote, but are caried by men in a seate with
great reputation, with a hat made of the leaves of a tree
to keepe him from the raine and Sunne, or otherwise they
ride on horsebacke with their feete bare in the stirops.
All sorts of women whatsoever they be, weare a smocke
downe to the girdle, and from the girdle downewards to
the foote they weare a cloth of three brases, open before;
so straite that they cannot goe, but they must shewe
their secret as it were aloft, and in their going they faine
to hide it with their hand, but they cannot by reason of
the straitnes of their cloth. They say that this use was
invented by a Queene to be an occasion that the sight
thereof might remove from men the vices against nature,
which they are greatly given unto: which sight should
cause them to regard women the more. Also the women
goe bare footed, their armes laden with hoopes of golde
and Jewels: And their fingers full of precious rings, with
their haire rolled up about their heads. Many of them
weare a cloth about their shoulders in stead of a cloake.
Now to finish that which I have begunne to write, I say,
that those parts of the Indies are very good, because that
a man that hath litle, shall make a great deale thereof;
alwayes they must governe themselves that they be taken
for honest men. For why? to such there shal never want
helpe to doe wel, but he that is vicious, let him tary at
home and not go thither, because he shall alwayes be a
begger, and die a poore man.
