James I, The Political Works of James I
Charles Howard McIlwain, Ed.

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THE ANSWERE TO THE CARDINALS LETTER.

AND now that I am to enter into the field against him by refuting his Letter, I must first vse this protestation; That no desire of vaine-glory by matching with so learned a man, maketh me to vndertake this taske; but onely the care and conscience I haue, that such smooth Circes charmes and guilded pilles, as full of exterior eloquence, as of inward vntrewths, may not haue that publike passage through the world without an answere: whereby my reputation might vniustly be darkened, by such cloudie and foggie mists of vntrewths and false imputations, the hearts of vnstayed and simple men be misse-led, and the trewth it selfe smothered.

But before I come to the particular answere of this Letter, I must here desire the world to wonder with me, at the committing of so grosse an errour by so learned a man: as that he should haue pained himselfe to haue set downe so elaborate a Letter, for the refutation of a quite mistaken question: For it ap- peareth, that our English Fugitiues, of whose inward societie with him he so greatly vaunteth, haue so fast hammered in his head the Oath of Supremacie, which hath euer bene so great a scarre vnto them, as he thinking by his Letter to haue refuted the last Oath, hath in place thereof onely paied the Oath of Supre- macie, which was most in his head; as a man that being earnestly caried in his thoughts vpon another matter, then he is presently in doing, will often name the matter or person he is thinking of, in place of the other thing he hath at that time in hand.

For as the Oath of Supremacie was deuised for putting a difference betweene Papists, and them of our profession: so was this Oath, which hee would seeme to impugne, ordained for making difference betweene the ciuilly obedient Papists, and the peruerse disciples of the Powder-Treason. Yet doeth all his Letter runne vpon an Inuectiue against the compulsion of Catholiques to deny the authoritie of S. Peters successors, and in place thereof to acknowledge the Successors of King Henry the eight: For in K. Henry the eights time, was the Oath of Supremacie first made: By him were Thomas Moore and Roffensis put to death, partly for refusing of it: From his time till now, haue all the Princes of this land professing this Religion, successiuely in effect maintained the same: and in that Oath onely is contained the Kings absolute power, to be Iudge ouer all persons, aswell Ciuill as Ecclesiastical, excluding al forraigne powers and Potentates to be Iudges within his dominions; whereas this last made Oath containeth no such matter, onely medling with the ciuill obedience of Subiects to their Soueraigne, in meere temporall causes.

And that it may the better appeare, that whereas by name hee seemeth to condemne the last Oath; yet indeed his whole Letter runneth vpon nothing, but vpon the condemnation of the Oath of Supremacie: I haue here thought good to set downe the said Oath, leauing it then to the discretion of euery indifferent reader to iudge, whether he doth not in substance onely answere to the Oath of Supremacie, but that hee giues the child a wrong name. “I A.B. doe vtterly testifie and declare in my conscience, that the Kings Highnesse is the onely Supreame Gouernour of this Realme, and all other his Highnesse Dominions and Countries, aswell in all Spirituall, or Ecclesiasticall things or causes, as Tem- porall: And that no forraine Prince, Person, Prelate, State or Potentate, hath or ought to haue any Iurisdiction, Power, Superioritie, Preeminence or Authoritie Ecclesasticall or Spirituall within this Realme. And therefore I doe vtterly renounce and forsake all forraine Iurisdictions, Powers, Superiorities and Authorities; and doe promise thatfrom hencefoorth I shall beare faith and trew Allegiance to the Kings Highnesse, his Heires and lawfull Successours: and to my power shall assist and defend all Iurisdictions, Priuiledges, Preeminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the Kings Highnesse, his Heires and Successours, or vnited and annexed to the Imperiall Crowne of the Realme: So helpe me God; and by the Contents of this booke.

”

And that the iniustice, as well as the error of his grosse mistaking in this point, may yet be more clearely discouered; I haue also thought good to insert here immediatly after the Oath of Supremacie, the contrary conclusions to all the points and Articles, whereof this other late Oath doeth consist: whereby it may appeare, what vnreasonable and rebellious points hee would driue my Subiects vnto, by refusing the whole body of that Oath, as it is concei ed: For he that shall refuse to take this Oath, must of necessitie hold all, or some of these pro- positions following.

• 1. That I King Iames, am not the lawfull King of this Kingdome, and of all other my Dominions.
• 2. That the Pope by his owne authoritie may depose me: If not by his owne authoritie, yet by some other authoritie of the Church, or of the Sea of Rome: If not by some other authoritie of the Church and Sea of Rome, yet by other meanes with others helpe, he may depose me.
• 3. That the Pope may dispose of my Kingdomes and Dominions.
• 4. That the Pope may giue authoritie to some forreine Prince to inuade my Dominions.
• 5. That the Pope may discharge my Subiects of their Allegiance and Obe- dience to me.
• 6. That the Pope may giue licence to one, or more of my Subiects to beare armes against me.
• 7. That the Pope may giue leaue to my Subiects to offer violence to my Person, or to my gouernement, or to some of my Subiects.
• 8. That if the Pope shall by Sentence excommunicate or depose mee, my Subiects are not to beare Faith and Allegiance to me.
• 9. If the Pope shall by Sentence excommunicate or depose me, my Subiects are not bound to defend with all their power my Person and Crowne.
• 10. If the Pope shall giue out any Sentence of Excommunication or Depri- uation against me, my Subiects by reason of that Sentence, are not bound to reueale all Conspiracies and Treasons against mee, which shall come to their hearing and knowledge.
• 11. That it is not hereticall and detestable to hold, that Princes being excom- municated by the Pope, may be either deposed or killed by their Subiects, or any other.
• 12. That the Pope hath power to absolue my Subiects from this Oath, or from some part thereof.
• 13. That this Oath is not administred to my Subiects, by a full and lawfull authoritie.
• 14. That this Oath is to be taken with Equiuocation, mentall euasion, or secret reseruation; and not with the heart and good will, sincerely in the trew faith of a Christian man.

These are the trew and naturall branches of the body of this Oath. The affirmatiue of all which negatiues, doe neither concerne in any case the Popes Supremacie in Spirituall causes: nor yet were euer concluded, and defined by any complete generall Councell¹ to belong to the Popes authoritie; and their owne schoole Doctors are at irreconciliable oddes and iarres about them.

And that the world may yet farther see ours and the whole States setting downe of this Oath, did not proceed from any new inuention of our owne, but as it is warranted by the word of God: so doeth it take the example from an Oath of Allegiance decreed a thousand yeeres agone, which a famous Councell then, together with diuers other Councels, were so farre from condemning (as the Pope now hath done this Oath) as I haue thought good to set downe their owne wordes here in that purpose: whereby it may appear that I craue nothing now of my Subiects in this Oath, which was not expresly and carefully commaunded then, by the Councels to be obeyed without exception of persons. Nay not in the very particular point of Equiuocation, which I in this Oath was so carefull to haue eschewed: but you shall here see the said Councels in their Decrees, as carefull to prouide for the eschewing of the same; so as almost euery point of that action, & this of ours shalbe found to haue relation & agreeance one with the other, saue onely in this, that those old Councels were careful and strait in commanding the taking of the same: whereas by the contrary, he that now vanteth himselfe to be head of al Councels, is as careful & strait in the prohibition of all men from the taking of this Oath of Allegiance.

The words of the Councell be these: “Heare our sentence.

Whosoeuer of vs, or of all the people thorowout all Spaine, shall goe about by any meanes of conspiracie or practise, to violate the Oath of his fidelitie, which he hath taken for the preseruation of his Countrey, or of the Kings life; or who shall attempt to put violent handes vpon the King; or to depriue him of his kingly power; or that by tyrannicall presumption would vsurpe the Soueraigntie of the Kingdome: Let him bee accursed in the sight of God the Father, and of his Angels; and let him bee made and declared a stranger from the Catholique Church, which hee hath prophaned by his periurie; and an aliant from the companies of all Christian people, together with all the complices of his impietie; because it behooueth all those that bee guiltie of the like offence, to vnder-lie the like-punishment.² Which sentence is three seuerall times together, and almost in the same wordes, repeated in the same Canon. After this, the Synode desired, That this Sentence of theirs now this third time rehearsed, might bee confirmed by the voyce and consent of all that were present. Then the whole Clergie and people answered, Whosoeuer shall cary himselfe presumptuously against this your definitiue sentence, let them be Anathema maranatha, that is, let them bee vtterly destroyed at the Lords comming, and let them and their complices haue their portion with Iudas Iscarioth. Amen.

”

And in the fifth Councell,³ there it is decreed, That this Acte touching the Oath of Allegiance, shall bee repeated in euery Councell of the Bishops of Spaine. The Decree is in these wordes: “In consideration that the mindes of men are easily inclined to euill and forgetfulnesse, therefore this most holy Synode hath ordained; and doeth enact, That in euery Councell of the Bishops of Spaine, the Decree of the generall Councell ⁴ which was made for the safetie of our Princes, shall bee with an audible voyce proclaimed and pronounced, after the conclusion of all other things in the Synode: That so it being often sounded into their eares, at least by continuall remembrance, the mindes of wicked men beeing terrified, might bee reformed, which by obliuion and facilitie [to euill] are brought to preuaricate.”

And in the sixt Councell,⁵“ Wee doe protest before God, and all the orders of Angels, in the presence of the Prophets and Apostles, and all the companie of Martyrs, and before all the Catholique Church, and assemblies of the Christians; That no man shall goe about to seeke the destruction of the King: No man shall touch the life of the Prince: No man shall depriue him of the Kingdome: No man by any tyrannical pre- sumption shall vsurpe to himselfe the Soueraigntie of the Kingdome: No man by any Machination shall in his aduersitie associate to himselfe any packe of Conspirators against him: And that if any of vs shall be presumptuous by rashnesse in any of these cases, let him be stricken with the anatheme of God, and reputed as condemned in eternall iudgement without any hope of recouery.”

And in the tenth Councell⁶ (to omit diuers others held also at Toledo) it is said: “That if any religious man, euen from the Bishop to the lowest Order of the Church-men or Monkes, shall bee found to haue violated the generall Oathes made for the preseruation of the Kinges Person, or of the Nation and Countrey with a prophane minde; foorthwith let him bee depriued of all dignitie, and excludedfrom all place and Honour.” The occasion of the Decrees made for this Oath, was, That the Chris- tians were suspected for want of fidelitie to their Kings; and did either equiuocate in taking their Oath, or make no conscience to keepe it, when they had giuen it; as may appeare by sundry speeches in the Councell,⁷ saying, “There is a generall report, that there is that perfidiousnesse in the mindes of many people of diuers Nations, that they make no conscience to keepe the Oath and fidelitie that they haue sworne vnto their Kings: but doe dissemble a profession of fidelitie in their mouthes, when they hold an impious perfidiousnesse in their mindes.” And againe, “They sweare to their Kings, and yet doe they preuaricate in the fidelitie which they haue promised: Neither doe they feare the Volume of Gods iudgement, by the which the curse of God is brought vpon them, with great threatening of punishments, which doe sweare lyingly in the Name of God.”⁸ To the like effect spake they in the Councill of Aquisgran: “If any of the Bishops, or other Church-man of inferiour degree, hereafter thorow feare or couetousnesse, or any other perswasion, shall make defection from our Lord the Orthodoxe Emperour Lodowicke, or shall violate the Oath of fidelitie made vnto him, or shall with their peruerse intention adhere to his enemies; let him by this Canonicall and Synodall sentence bee depriued of whatsoeuer place hee is possessed of.”⁹

And now to come to a particular answere of his Letter. First, as concerning the sweet memory hee hath of his old acquaintance with the Arch-priest; it may indeed be pleasing for him to recount: but sure I am, his acquaintance with him and the rest of his societie, our Fugitiues (whereof he also vanteth himselfe in his Preface to the Reader in his Booke of Controuersies) hath prooued sowre to vs and our State: For some of such Priests ¹⁰ and Iesuits, as were the greatest Traitors and fomenters of the greatest conspiracies against the late Queene, gaue vp Father Rob: Bellarmine for one of their greatest authorities and oracles: And therefore I do not enuy the great honour he can winne, by his vaunt of his inward familiarity with an other Princes traitors & fugitiues; whom vnto if he teach no better maners then hitherto he hath done, I thinke his fellowship are litle beholding vnto him.

And for desiring him to remember him in his prayers at the Altar of the Lord: if the Arch-Priests prayers prooue no more profitable to his soule, then Bellar- mines counsell is like to proue profitable, both to the soule and bodie of Blackwell (if he would follow it) the authour of this Letter might very well be without his prayers.

Now the first messenger that I can finde which brought ioyfull newes of the Arch-Priest to Bellarmine, was hee that brought the newes of the Arch-Priests taking, and first appearance of Martyrdome. A great signe surely of the Cardi- nals mortification, that hee was so reioyced to heare of the apprehension, im- prisonment and appearance of putting to death of so old and deare a friend of his. But yet apparantly he should first haue beene sure, that hee was onely to bee punished for cause of Religion, before hee had so triumphed vpon the expectation of his Martyrdome. For first, by what rule of charitie was it lawfull for him to iudge mee a persecutour, before proofe had beene made of it by the said Arch- Priests condemnation and death ? What could hee know, that the said Arch- Priest was not taken vpon suspicion of his guiltinesse in the Powder-Treason ? What certaine information had hee then receiued vpon the particulars, whereupon hee was to bee accused ? And last of all, by what inspiration could he foretell whereupon hee was to bee accused ? For at that time there was yet nothing layed to his charge. And if charitie should not bee suspicious, what warrant had hee absolutely to condemne mee of vsing persecution and tyrannie, which could not bee but implyed vpon mee, if Blackwel was to bee a Martyr ? But surely it may iustly be sayd of Bellarmine in this case, that our Sauiour CHRIST saith of all worldly and carnall men, who thinke it enough to loue their friends,¹¹ and hate their enemies; the limits of the Cardinals charitie extending no farther, then to them of his owne profession. For what euer hee added in superfluous charitie to Blackwel, in reioycing in the speculation of his future Martyrdome; hee detracted as much vniustly and vncharitably from me, in accounting of me thereby as of a bloody Persecutour. And whereas this ioy of his was interrupted by the next messenger, that brought the newes of the saide Arch-Priest his failing in his constancie, by taking of this Oath; he needed neuer to haue beene troubled, either with his former ioy or his second sorrow, both beeing alike falsly grounded. For as it was neuer my intention to lay any thing vnto the said Arch-Priests charge, as I haue neuer done to any for cause of conscience, so was Blackwels constancie neuer brangled by taking of this Oath; It beeing a thing which he euer thought lawfull before his apprehension, and whereunto hee perswaded all Catholiques to giue obedience; like as after his apprehension, hee neuer made doubt or stop in it; but at the first offering it vnto him, did freely take it, as a thing most lawfull; neither meanes of threatening, or flatterie being euer vsed vnto him, as himselfe can yet beare witnesse.

And as for the temperature and modification of this Oath, except that a rea- sonable and lawfull matter is there set downe in reasonable and temperate wordes, agreeing thereunto; I know not what he can meane, by quarelling it for that fault: For no temperatenesse nor modifications in words therein, can iustly be called the Deuils craft; when the thing it selfe is so plaine, and so plainely interpreted to all them that take it; as the onely troublesome thing in it all, bee the wordes vsed in the end thereof, for eschewing AEquiuocation and Mentall reseruation. Which new Catholike doctrine, may farre iustlier bee called the Deuils craft, then any plaine and temperate wordes, in so plaine and cleare a matter. But what shall we say of these strange countrey clownes, whom of with the Satyre we may iustly complaine, that they blow both hote & cold out of one mouth ? For Luther and all our bold and free-speaking Writers are mightily railed vpon by them, as hote- brained fellowes, and speakers by the Deuils instinct: and now if we speake moderately and temperately of them, it must be tearmed the Deuils craft: And therefore wee may iustly complaine with Christ, that when we mourne, they wil not lament: and when we pipe, they wil not dance.¹² But neither Iohn Baptist his seueritie, nor Christ his meekenesse and lenitie can please them, who build but to their owne Monarchie vpon the ground of their owne Traditions; and not to Christ vpon the ground of his word and infallible trewth.

But what can bee meant by alleadging, that the craft of the Deuill herein, is onely vsed for subuersion of the Catholique Faith, and euersion of Saint Peters Primacie; had neede bee commented anew by Bellarmine himselfe: For in all this Letter of his, neuer one word is vsed, to prooue that by any part of this Oath the Primacie of Saint Peter is any way medled with, except Master Bellarmine his bare alleadging; which without proouing it by more cleare demonstration, can neuer satisfie the conscience of any reasonable man. For (for ought that I know) heauen and earth are no farther asunder, then the profession of a temporall obedience to a temporall King, is different from any thing belonging to the Catholique Faith, or Supremacie of Saint Peter: For as for the Catholique Faith; can there be one word found in all that Oath, tending or sounding to matter of Religion ? Doeth he that taketh it, promise there to beleeue, or not to beleeue any article of Religion ? Or doeth hee so much as name a trew or false Church there ? And as for Saint Peters Primacie; I know no Apostles name that it therein named, except the name of Iames, it being my Christen name: though it please him not to deigne to name me in all the Letter; albeit, the contents thereof con- cerne mee in the highest degree. Neither is there any mention at all made therein, either disertis verbis, or by any other indirect meanes, either of the Hierarchie of the Church, of Saint Peters succession, of the Sea Apostolike, or of any such mat- ter: but that the Author of our Letter doeth brauely make mention of Saint Peters succession, bringing it in comparison with the succession of Henry the eight. Of which vnapt and vnmannerly similitude, I wonder he should not be much ashamed: For as to King Henries Successour (which hee meaneth by mee) as I, I say, neuer did, nor will persume to create any Article of Faith, or to bee Iudge thereof; but to submit my exemplarie obedience vnto them, in as great humilitie as the meanest of the land: so if the Pope could bee as well able to prooue his either Personall or Doctrinall Succession from Saint Peter, as I am able to prooue my lineall descent from the Kings of England and Scotland; there had neuer beene so long adoe, nor so much sturre kept about this question in Christen- dome; neither had Master Bellarmine¹³ himselfe needed to haue bestowed so many sheetes of paper De summo Pontifice, in his great bookes of Controuersies: And when all is done, to conclude with a morall certitude, and a piè credendum; bringing in the Popes,¹⁴ that are parties in this cause, to be his witnesses: and yet their historicall narration must bee no article of Faith. And I am without vanterie sure, that I doe farre more neerely imitate the worthie actions of my Predecessours, then the Popes in our aage can be well proued to be similes Petro, especially in cursing of Kings, and setting free their Subiects from their Allegiance vnto them.

But now wee come to his strongest argument, which is, That he would alledge vpon mee a Panicke terrour, as if I were possessed with a needlesse feare: For, saith the Cardinall, from the beginning of the Churches first infancie, euen to this day, where was it euer heard, that euer a Pope either commaunded to bee killed, or allowed the slaughter of any Prince whatsoeuer, whether hee were an Hereticke, an Ethnicke, or Persecutour ? But first, wherefore doeth he here wilfully, and of purpose omit the rest of the points mentioned in that Oath, for deposing, degrad- ing, stirring vp of armes, or rebelling against them, which are as well mentioned in that Oath, as the killing of them ? as beeing all of one consequence against a King, no Subiect beeing so scrupulous, as that hee will attempt the one, and leaue the other vnperformed if hee can. And yet surely I cannot blame him for passing it ouer, since he could not otherwise haue eschewed the direct belying of himselfe in tearmes, which hee now doeth but in substance and effect: For as for the Popes deposing and degrading of Kings, hee maketh so braue vaunts and bragges of it in his former bookes, as he could neuer with, ciuill honestie haue denied it here.¹⁵

But to returne to the Popes allowing of killing of Kinges, I know not with what face hee can set so stout a deniall vpon it against his owne knowledge. How many Emperours did the Pope raise warre against in their owne bowels ? Who as they were ouercome in battaile, were subiect to haue beene killed therein, which I hope the Pope could not but haue allowed, when he was so farre inraged at Henry¹⁶ the fifth for gluing buriall to his fathers dead corpes, after the Pope ¹⁷ had stirred him vp to rebell against his father, and procured his ruine. But leauing these olde Histories to Bellarmines owne bookes, that doe most authen- tically cite them, as I haue already said, let vs turne our eyes vpon our owne time, and therein remember what a Panegyricke¹⁸ Oration was made by the Pope, in praise and approbation of the Frier and his fact, that murthered king Henry the third of France, who was so farre from either being Hereticke, Ethnicke, or Per- secutor in their account, that the said Popes owne wordes in that Oration are, That a trew Friar hath killed a counterfeit Frier. And besides that vehement Oration and congratulation for that fact, how neere it scaped, that the said Frier was not canonized for that glorious act, is better knowen to Bellarmine and his followers, then to vs here.

But sure I am, if some Cardinals had not beene more wise and circumspect in that errand, then the Pope himselfe was, the Popes owne Kalender of his Saints would haue sufficiently proued Bellarmin a lier in this case. And to draw yet neerer vnto our selues; how many practises and attempts were made against the late Queenes life, which were directly enioyned to those Traitours by their Con- fessors, and plainly authorized by the Popes allowance ? For verification whereof, there needs no more proofe, then that neuer Pope either then or since, called any Church-man in question for medling in any those treasonable conspiracies; nay, the Cardinals owne S. Sanderus mentioned in his Letter, could well verifie this trewth if, hee were aliue; and who will looke his bookes, will find them filled with no other doctrine then this. And what difference there is betweene the killing, or allowing the slaughter of Kings, and the stirring vp and approbation of prac- tises to kill them; I remit to Bellarmines owne iudgement. It may then very clearely appeare, how strangely this Authors passion hath made him forget him- selfe, by implicating himselfe in so strong a contradiction against his owne knowl- edge and conscience, against the witnesse of his former bookes, and against the practise of our owne times. But who can wonder at this contradiction of himselfe in this point, when his owne great Volumes are so filled with contradictions ? which when either he, or any other shall euer bee able to reconcile, I will then beleeue that hee may easily reconcile this impudent strong deniall of his in his Letter, of any Popes medling against Kings, with his owne former bookes, as I haue already said.

And that I may not seeme to imitate him in affirming boldly that which I no wayes prooue; I will therefore send the Reader to looke for witnesses of his con- tradictions, in such places here mentioned in his owne booke. In his bookes of Iustification,¹⁹4 there he affirmeth, That for the vncertaintie of our owne proper righteousness, and for auoiding of vaine-glory, it is most sure and safe, to repose our whole confidence in the alone mercy and goodnesse of God; Which proposition of his, is directly contrary to the discourse, and current of all his flue bookes de Iustificatione,²⁰ wherein the same is contained.

God doeth not encline a man to euill, either naturally or morally.²¹

Presently after, hee affirmeth the contrary, That God doeth not encline to euill naturally, but morally.²²

All the Fathers teach constantly, That Bishops doe succeed the Apostles, and Priests the seuentie disciples.²³

Elsewhere he affirmeth the contrary, That Bishops doe not properly succeede the Apostles.²⁴

That Iudas did not beleeue.²⁵

Contrary, That Iudas was iust and certainly good.²⁶

The keeping of the Law according to the substance of the worke, doeth require that the Commandement be so kept, that sinne be not committed, and the man be not guiltie for hauing not kept the Commandement.²⁷

Contrary, It is to be knowen that it is not all one, to doe a good morall worke, and to keepe the Commandement according to the substance of the worke: For the Commandement may be kept according to the substance of the worke, euen with sinne; as if one should restore to his friend the thing committed to him of trust, to the end that theeues might afterward take it from him.²⁸

Peter did not loose that faith, whereby the heart beleeueth vnto iustification.²⁹

Contrary, Peters sinne was deadly.³⁰

Antichrist shall be a Magician, and after the maner of other Magicians shall se- cretly worship the diuel.³¹

Contrary, He shall not admit of idolatrie: he shall hate idoles, and reedifie the Temple.³²

By the wordes of Consecration the trew and solemne oblation is made.³³

Contrary, The sacrifice doeth not consist in the words: but in the oblation of the thing it selfe.³⁴

That the end of the world cannot be knowne.³⁵

Contrary, After the death of Antichrist, there shall bee but fiue and fourtie dayes till the end of the world.³⁶

That the tenne Kings shall burne the scarlet Whore, that is, Rome.³⁷

Contrary, Antichrist shall hate Rome, and fight against it, and burne it.³⁸

The name of vniuersall Bishop may be understood two wayes; one way, that he which is said to be vniuersall Bishop, may bee thought to be the onely Bishop of all Christian Cities; so that all others are not indeed Bishops, but onely Vicars to him, who is called vniuersall Bishop: in which sense, the Pope is not vniuersall Bishop.³⁹

Contrary, All ordinary iurisdiction of Bishops doeth descend immediatly from the Pope; and is in him, and from him is deriued to others.⁴⁰ Which few places I haue onely selected amongst many the like, that the discreet and iudicious Reader may discerne ex vngue Leonem: For when euer he is pressed with a weighty obiection, hee neuer careth, nor remembreth how his solution and answere to that, may make him gainesay his owne doctrine in some other places, so it serue him for a shift to put off the present storme withall.

But now to returne to our matter againe: Since Popes, sayeth hee, haue neuer. at any time medled against Kings, wherefore, I pray you, should onely the King of England be afraid of that, whereof neuer Christian King is, or was afraid ? Was neuer Christian Emperour or King afraid of the Popes ? How then were these miserable Emperours tost and turmoiled, and in the end vtterly ruined by the Popes: for proofe whereof I haue already cited Bellarmines owne bookes ? Was not the Emperour ⁴¹ afraid, who waited barefooted in the frost and snow three dayes at the Popes gate, before he could get entrie? ⁴² Was not the Emperour⁴³ also afraid, who was driuen to lie agroofe on his belly, and suffer another Pope to tread vpon his neck ? ⁴⁴ And was not another Emperour ⁴⁵ afraid, who was con- strained in like maner to endure a third Pope to beat off from his head the Im- periall Crowne with his foot ? ⁴⁶ Was not Philip⁴⁷ afraid, being made Emperour against Pope Innocentius the thirds good liking, when he brake out into these words, Either the Pope shall take the Crowne from Philip, or Philip shall take the Miter from the Pope ? ⁴⁸ whereupon the Pope stirred vp Ottho against him, who caused him to be slaine; and presently went to Rome, and was crowned Em- perour by the Pope, though afterward the Pope⁴⁹ deposed him too. Was not the Emperour Fredericke⁵⁰ afraid, when Innocentius the fourth excommunicated him, depriued him of his crowne, absolued Princes of their Oath of fidelitie to him, and in Apulia corrupted one to giue him poison ? whereof the Emperour recouering, hee hired his bastard sonne Manfredus to poison him; whereof he died. What did Alexander⁵¹ the third write to the Soldan? That if he would liue quietly, hee should by some slight murther the Emperour;⁵² and to that end sent him the Em- perours picture. And did not Alexander ⁵³ the sixt take of the Turke Baiazetes two hundred thousand crownes to kill his brother Gemen; or as some call him, Sisimus, whom he helde captiue at Rome ? Did hee not accept of the conditions to poyson the man, and had his pay ? Was not our Henry ⁵⁴the second afraid after the slaughter of Thomas Becket; that besides his going bare-footed in Pilgrimage, was whipped vp and down the Chapter-house like a schoole-boy, and glad to escape so to ? Had not this French King his great grandfather King Iohn reason to be afraid, when the Pope ⁵⁵ gaue away his kingdome of Nauarre to the King of Spaine, whereof he yet possesseth the best halfe ? Had not this King, his Successour reason to be afraid, when he was forced to begge so submissiuely the relaxation of his Excommunication, as he was content likewise to suffer his Ambassadour to be whipped at Rome for penance ? And had not the late Queene reason to looke to her selfe, when she was excommunicated by Pius Quintus, her Subiects loosed from their fidelitie and Allegiance toward her, her Kingdome of Ireland giuen to the King of Spaine, and that famous fugitiue diuine, honoured with the like degree of a redde Hat as Bellarmine is, was not ashamed to publish in Print an Apologie⁵⁶ for Stanleys treason, maintaining, that by reason of her excommunication and heresie, it was not onely lawfull for any of of her Subiects, but euen they were bound in conscience to depriue her of any strength, which lay in their power to doe ? And whether it were armies, townes, or fortresses of hers which they had in their hands, they were obliged to put them in the King of Spaine her enemies hands, shee no more being the right owner of anything ? But albeit it be trew, that wise men are mooued by the examples of others dangers to vse prouidence and caution, according to the olde Prouerbe, Tum tua res agitur, paries cum proximus ardet: yet was I much neerlier summoned to vse this caution, by the practise of it in mine owne person.

First, by the sending foorth of these Bulles whereof I made mention already, for debarring me from entrie vnto this Crowne, and Kingdome. And next after my entrie, and full possession thereof, by the horrible Powder-treason, which should haue bereft both me and mine, both of crowne and life. And howsoeuer the Pope will seeme to cleare himselfe of any allowance of the said Powder-trea- son; yet can it not be denied, that his principall ministers here, and his chiefe Mancipia the Iesuites, were the plaine practisers thereof: for which the principall of them hath died confessing it, and other haue fled the Countrey for the crime; yea, some of them gone into Italy: and yet neither these that fled out of this Countrey for it, nor yet Baldwine, who though he then remained in the Low- countreys, was of counsell in it, were euer called to account for it by the Pope; much lesse punished for medling in so' scandalous and enormous businesse. And now what needs so great wonder and exclamation, that the onely King of England feareth: And what other Christian King doeth, or euer did feare but hee ? As if by the force of his rhetoricke he could make me and my good Subiects to mistrust our senses, deny the Sunne to shine at midday, and not with the serpent to stop our eares to his charming, but to the plaine and visible veritie it selfe. And yet for all this wonder, he can neuer prooue mee to be troubled with such a Panicke terrour. Haue I euer importuned the Pope with any request for my securitie ? Or haue I either troubled other Christian Princes my friends and allies, to intreat for me at the Popes hand ? Or yet haue I begged from them any aide or assist- ance for my farther securitie ? No. All this wondred-at feare of mine, stretcheth no further, then wisely to make distinction betweene the sheepe and goats in my owne pasture. For since, what euer the Popes part hath beene in the Powder- treason; yet certaine it is, that all these caitife monsters did to their death main- taine, that onely zeale of Religion mooued them to that horrible attempt: yea, some of them at their death, would not craue pardon at God or King for their offence; exhorting other of their followers to the like constancie. Had not wee then, and our Parliament great reason, by this Oath to set a marke of distinction betweene good Subiects, and bad ? Yea, betweene Papists, though peraduenture zealous in their religion, yet otherwise ciuilly honest and good Subiects, and such terrible firebrands of hell, as would maintaine the like maximes, which these Powder-men did ? Nay, could there be a more gracious part in a King, suppose I say it, towards Subiects of a contrary Religion, then by making them to take this Oath, to publish their honest fidelitie in temporal things to me their Soueraigne, and thereby to wipe off that imputation and great slander which was laide vpon the whole professours of that Religion, by the furious enterprise of these Powder-men ?

And whereas for illustration of this strong argument of his, hee hath brought in for a similitude the historie of Iulian ⁵⁷ the Apostata his dealing with the Chris- tians, when as he straited them either to commit idolatrie, or to come within the compasse of treason: I would wish the authour to remember, that although a similitude may be permitted claudicare vno pede; yet this was a very ill chosen similitude, which is lame both of feete and hands, and euery member of the body: For I shall in fewe wordes prooue, that it agreeth in no one point saue one, with our purpose, which is, that Iulian was an Emperour, and I a King. First, Iulian was an Apostata, one that had renounced the whole Christian faith, which he had once professed, and became an Ethnike againe, or rather an Atheist: whereas I am a Christian, who neuer changed that Religion, that I dranke in with my milke: nor euer, I thanke GOD, was ashamed of my profession. Iulian dealt against Christians onely for the profession of Christes cause: I deale in this cause with my Subiects, onely to make a distinction betweene trew Subiects, an false-hearted traitours. Iulians end was the ouerthrow of the Christians: my onely end is, to maintaine Christianitie in a peaceable gouernement. Iulians drift was to make them commit Idolatrie: my purpose is, to cause my Subiects to make open profession of their naturall Allegiance, and ciuill Obedience. Iulians meanes whereby he went about it, was by craft, and insnaring them before they were aware: my course in this is plaine, cleare, and voyd of all obscuritie; neuer refusing leaue to any that are required to take this Oath, to study it at leisure, and giuing them all the interpretation of it they can craue. But the greatest dissimili- tude of all, is in this: that Iulian pressed them to commit idolatrie to Idoles and Images: but as well I, as all the Subiects of my profession are so farre from guilt in this point, as wee are counted heretiques by you, because we will not commit idolatrie. So as in the maine point of all, is the greatest contrarietie. For, Iulian persecuted the Christians because they would not commit idolatrie; and ye count me a persecutour, because I will not admit idolatrie. So as to conclude this point, this old sentence may well be applied to Bellarmine, in vsing so vnapt a similitude, Perdere quos vult Iupiter, hos dementat.

And therefore his vncharitable conclusion doeth not rightly follow: That it seemeth vnto him, that some such thing should be subtilly or fraudulently included in this Oath; as if no man can detest Treason against the King, or professe ciuill subiection, except hee renounce the Primacie of the Apostolique Sea. But how he hath suckt this apprehension out at his fingers ends, I cannot imagine: for sure I am, as I haue oft said, hee neuer goeth about to prooue it: and to answere an improbable imagination, is to fight against a vanishing shadow. It cannot be denied indeed, that many seruants of CHRIST, as well Priests, as others, haue endured constantly all sorts of torments, and death, for the profession of CHRIST: and therefore to all such his examples, as hee bringeth in for verifying the same, I need not to giue him any other answere, saue onely to remember him, that he playeth the part of a sophister in all these his examples of the constancie of Martyrs; euer taking Controuersum pro confesso, as if this our case were of the same nature.

But yet that the Reader may the better discouer, not onely how vnaptly his similitudes are applied, but likewise how dishonestly hee vseth himselfe in all his citations: I haue thought good to set downe the very places themselues cited by him, together with a short deduction of the trew state of those particular cases: whereby, how little these examples can touch our case; nay, by the contrary, how rightly their trew sense may bee vsed, as our owne weapons to be throwen backe vpon him that alledgeth them, shall easily appeare. And first, for Eleazar: ⁵⁸ If the Arch-priest his ground of refusing the Oath, were as good as Eleazars was, to forbeare to eate the swines flesh, it might not vnfitly be applied by the Cardinal to this purpose: For as Eleazar was a principall Scribe, so is he a principall Priest: As Eleazars example had a great force in it, to animate the yonger Scribes to keepe the Lawe, or in his colourable eating it, to haue taught them to dissemble: so hath the Arch-priests, either to make the inferiour Priests to take the Oath, or to refuse it: but the ground failing, the building cannot stand: For what example is there in all the Scripture, in which disobedience to the Oath of the King, or want of Allegiance is allowed ? If the Cardinall would remember, that when the Church maketh a Lawe (suppose to forbid flesh on certaine dayes) he that refuseth to obey it, incurreth the iust censure of the Church: If a man then ought to die rather than to breake the least of Gods Ceremoniall Lawes, and to pine and starue his body, rather then to violate the Church his positiue Law: will he not giue leaue to a man to redeeme his soule from sinne, and to keepe his body from punishment, by keeping a Kings politike Law, and by giuing good example in his Person, raise vp a good opinion in me of like Allegiance in the inferiour of his order ? This application, as I take it, would haue better fitted this example.

But let mee remember the Cardinall of another Oath ⁵⁹ inioyned by a King to his people, whereby he indangered his owne life, and hazarded the safetie of the whole armie, when hee made the people sweare in the morning, not to taste of any meate vntill night: which Oath he exacted so strictly, that his eldest sonne, and heire apparant, Ionathan, for breaking of it, by tasting a little hony of the top of his rodde, though he heard not when the King gaue that Oath, had well-nigh died for it. And shall an Oath giuen vpon so vrgent an occasion as this was, for the apparant safetie of me and my posteritie, forbidding my people to drinke so deeply in the bitter cup of Antichristian fornications, but that they may keepe so much hony in their hearts, as may argue them still espoused to me their Sou- eraigne in the maine knot of trew Allegiance; shall this Law, I say, by him bee condemned to hell for a stratageme of Sathan ? I say no more, but Gods lot in the Oath of Sauls, and Bellarmines verdict vpon this Oath of ours, seeme not to be cast out of one lap.

Now to this example of Basill,⁶⁰ which is (as he sayth) so fit for his purpose: First, I must obserue, that if the Cardinall would leaue a common and ordinarie tricke of his in all his Citations, which is to take what makes for him, and leaue out what makes against him; and cite the Authours sense, as well as his Sen- tence, we should not be so much troubled with answering the Ancients which he alledgeth. To instance it in this very place: if he had continued his allegation one line further, hee should haue found this place out of Theodoret, of more force to haue mooued Blackwell to take the Oath, then to haue disswaded him from it: For in the very next words it followeth, Imperatoris quidem amicitiam magni se pendere, cum pietate; quâ remotâ, perniciosam esse dicere. But that it may appeare, whether of vs haue greatest right to this place, I will in few words shew the Authours drift.

The Emperour Valens being an Arrian, at the perswasion of his wife, when he had depriued all the Churches of their Pastours, came to Caesarea, where S. Basil ⁶¹ was then Bishop, who, as the historie reporteth, was accounted the Light of the world. Before hee came, hee sent his deputie ⁶² to worke it, that S. Basil should hold fellowship with Eudoxius⁶³ (which Eudoxius 2 was bishop of Constantinople, and the principall of the Arrian faction) or if he would not, that hee should put him to banishment. Now when the Emperours Deputie came to Caesarea, he sent for Basil, intreated him honourably, spake pleasingly vnto him, desired he would giue way to the time, neither that he would hazard the good of so many Churches tenui exquisitione dogmatis: promised him the Emperours fauour, and himselfe to be mediatour for his good. But S. Basill answered, These intising speeches were to fit to bee vsed to children, that vse to gape after such things: but for them that were throughly instructed in Gods word, they could neuer suffer any syl- lable thereof to be corrupted: Nay, if need required, they would for the maintenance thereof refuse no kind of death. Indeed the loue of the Emperour ought to bee greatly esteemed with pietie; but pietie taken away, it was pernicious.

This is the trewth of the historie. Now compare the case of Basill with the Arch-priests: Basill was sollicited to become an Arrian: the Arch-priest not once touched for any article of faith. Basill would haue obeyed the Emperour, but that the word of GOD forbade him: this man is willed to obey, because the word of GOD commandeth him. Basill highly esteemed the Emperours fauour, if it might haue stood with pietie: the Archi-priest is exhorted to reiect it, though it stand with trew godlinesse in deed, to embrace it. But that he may lay load vpon the Arch-priest, it is not sufficient to exhort him to courage and constancie by Eleazarus and Basils examples; but he must be vtterly cast downe with the comparing his fall to S. Peter, and Marcellinus: which two mens cases were the most fearefull, considering their persons and places, that are to be found, or read of, either in all the bookes of diuine Scripture, or the volumes of Ecclesiasticall histories; the one denying the onely trew GOD, the other our Lord and Sauiour IESVS CHRIST; the one sacrificing to Idoles, with the prophane heathen: the other forswearing his Lord and Master, with the hard-hearted Iewes. Vnlesse the Cardinall would driue the Arch-priest to some horrour of conscience, and pit of despaire, I know not what he can meane by this comparison: For sure I am, all that are not intoxicated with their cup, cannot but wonder to heare of an Oath of Allegiance to a naturall Soueraigne, to be likened to an Apostats denying of God, and forswearing of his Sauiour.

But to let passe the Disdiapason of the cases (as his ill-fauoured coupling S. Peter the head of their Church, with an apostate Pope) I marueile hee would remember this example of Marcellinus,⁶⁴ since his brother Cardinall Baronius, and the late Edition of the Councels by Binnius ⁶⁵ seeme to call the credit of the whole historie into question, saying, That it might plainely be refuted, and that it is prob- ably to be shewed, that the story is but obreptious, but that he would not swarue from the common receiued opinion.

And if a man might haue leaue to coniecture; so would his Cardinalship too, if it were not for one or two sentences in that Councell ⁶⁶ of Sinuessa, which serued for his purpose; namely, that Prima sedes à nemine iudicatur: And, Iudica causam tuam: nostrâ sententiâ non condemnaberis. But to what purpose a great Councell (as he termes it) of three hundred Bishops and others, should meete together, who before they met, knew they could doe nothing: when they were there, did nothing, but like Cuckowes, sing ouer and ouer the same song: that, Prima sedes à nemine iudicatur; and so after three dayes sitting (a long time in- deed for a great and graue Councell) brake so bluntly vp: and yet, that there should be seuentie two witnesses brought against him, and that they should subscribe his excommunication, and that at his owne mouth hee tooke the Anathema maranatha: how these vntoward contradictions shall be made to agree, I must send the Cardinall to Venice, to Padre Paulo, who in his Apologie ⁶⁷ against the Cardinals oppositions, hath handled them very learnedly.

But from one Pope, let vs passe to another: (for, what a principall article of Faith and Religion this Oath is, I haue alreadie sufficiently proued.) Why hee called S. Gregory ⁶⁸ our Apostle, I know not, vnlesse perhaps it be, for that hee sent Augustine ⁶⁹ the Monke and other with him into England, to conuert vs to the faith of Christ, wherein I with the Popes his successours would follow his patterne: For albeit hee sent them by diuine reuelation (as hee said) into England vnto King Ethelbert; yet when they came, they exercised no part of their func- tion, but by the Kings leaue and permission. So did King Lucius⁷⁰ send to Eleutherius his predecessour, and hee sent him diuers Bishops, who were all placed by the Kings authoritie. These conuerted men to the faith, and taught them to obey the King. And if the Popes in these dayes would but insist in these steppes of their fore-fathers; then would they not entertaine Princes fugitiues abroad, nor send them home, not onely without my leaue, but directly against the Lawes, with plots of treason and doctrine of rebellion, to draw Subiects from their obedience to me their naturall King: nor be so cruell to their owne Mancipia, as returning them with these wares, put either a State in iealousie of them; or them in hazard of their owne liues. Now to our Apostle (since the Cardinall will haue him so called) I perswade my selfe I should doe a good seruice to the Church in this my labour, if I could but reape this one fruit of it, to moue the Cardinall to deale faithfully with the Fathers, & neuer to alledge their opinions against their own purpose: For, this letter of Gregorius ⁷¹ was written to Iohn Bishop of Palermo in Sicily, to whom he granted vsum pallij, to be worne in such times, and in such order as the Priests in the Ile of Sicily, and his predecessors were wont to vse: and withall giueth him a caueat, That the reuerence to the Apostolike Sea, be not dis- turbed by the presumption of any: for then the state of the members doeth remaine sound, when the head of the Faith is not bruised by any iniury, and the authoritie of the Canons alwayes remaine safe and sound.

Now let vs examine the words. The Epistle was written to a Bishop, especially to grant him the vse of the Pall; a ceremonie and matter indifferent. As it appeareth, the Bishop of Rome tooke it well at his hands, that he would not per- sume to take it vpon him without leaue from the Apostolike Sea, giuing him that admonition which followeth in the wordes alledged out of him: which doctrine we are so farre from impugning, that we altogether approoue and allow of the same, that whatsoeuer ceremony for order is thought meet by the Christian Magistrate, and the Church, the same ought inuiolably be to kept: and where the head and gouernour in matters of that nature are not obeyed, the members of that Church must needs run to hellish confusion: But that Gregory by that terme, caputfidei, held himselfe the head of our faith, and the head of all religion, cannot stand with the course of his doctrine and writings: For first, when an other would haue had this stile to be called Vniuersalis Episcopus,⁷² hee said, I doe confidently auouch, that whosoeuer called himselfe, or desireth to be called Vniuersall Bishop, in this aduancing of himselfe, is the fore-runner of the Antichrist: ⁷³ which notwithstanding was a stile farre inferiour to that of Caput fidei. And when it was offered to himselfe the wordes of S. Gregory ⁷⁴ be these, refusing that Title: None of my predecessours [Bishops of Rome,] euer consented to vse this prophane name [of vniuerfall Bishop.] None of my predecessours euer tooke vpon him this name of singulartie, neither consented to vse it, Wee the Bishops of Rome doe not seeke, nor yet accept this glorious title, being offered vnto vs. And now, I pray you, would he that refused to be called Vniuersall Bishop, be stiled Caput fidei, vnlesse it were in that sense, as I haue expressed ? which sense if he will not admit, giue me leaue to say that of Gregorie, which himselfe sayeth of Lyra,⁷⁵ Minus cautè locutus est: or which he elsewhere sayth of Chrysostome,⁷⁶ Locutus est per excessum. To redeeme therefore our Apostle out of his hands, and to let him remaine ours, and not his in this case; it is very trew that he sayth in that sense he spake it. When yee goe about to disturbe, diminish, or take away the authoritie or suprem- acie of the Church, which resteth on the head of the King, within his dominions, ye cut off the head and chiefe gouernour thereof, and disturbe the state and mem- bers of the whole body. And for a conclusion of this point, I pray him to think, that we are so well perswaded of the good minde of our Apostle S. Gregory to vs, that wee desire no other thing to be suggested to the Pope and his Cardinals, then our Apostle S. Gregory ⁷⁷ desired Sabinian to suggest vnto the Emperour and the State in his time. His words be these: One thing there is, of which I would haue you shortly to suggest to your most noble Lord and Master: That if I his seruant would haue had my hand in slaying of the Lombards, at this day the Nation of the Lombards had neither had King, nor Dukes, nor Earles, and had beene diuided asunder in vtter confusion: but because I feare God, I dread to haue my hand in the blood of any man.

And thus hauing answered to S. Gregory, I come to another Pope, his Apostle, S. Leo. And that hee may see, I haue not in the former citations, quarelled him like a Sophister for contention sake, but for finding out of the trewth, I doe grant, that the authorities out of Leo,⁷⁸ are rightly alledged all three, the wordes trewly set downe, together with his trew intent and purpose: but withall, let me tell him, and I appeale vnto his owne conscience, whether I speake not trewly, that what Tullie said to Hortensius,⁷⁹ when he did immoderately praise eloquence, that hee would haue lift her vp to Heauen, that himselfe might haue gone vp with her; So his S. Leo lift vp S. Peter with praises to the skie, that he being his heire, might haue gone vp with him: ⁸⁰ For his S. Leo was a great Oratour, who by the power of his eloquence redeemed Rome from fire, when both Attilas and Gensericus would haue burnt it.⁸¹

Some fruites of this rhetoricke hee bestowed vpon S. Peter, saying, The Lord ⁸² did take Peter into the fellowship of the indiuisible vnitie: which wordes being coupled to the sentence alledged by the Cardinall (that he hath no part in the diuine Mysterie, that dare depart from the soliditie of Peter) should haue giuen him, I thinke, such a skarre, as hee should neuer haue dared to haue taken any ad- uantage by the wordes immediatly preceding, for the benefite of the Church of Rome, and the head thereof; since those which immediatly follow, are so much derogatorie to the diuine Maiestie. And againe, My writings ⁸³ be strengthened by the authoritie and merit of my Lord, most blessed S. Peter. We beseech⁸⁴ you to keepe the things decreed by vs through the inspiration of God, and the Apostle most blessed S. Peter. If anything ⁸⁵ be well done, or decreed by vs; If anything be obtained of Gods mercy by daily prayers, it is to be ascribed to S. Peters workes and merits, whose power doeth liue, and authoritie excell in his owne Sea. Hee was so plentifully ⁸⁶ watered of the very fountaine of all graces, that whereas he receiued many things alone, yet nothing passeth ouer to any other, but hee was partaker of it. And in a word, hee was so desirous to extoll Saint Peter, that a messenger from him was an embas- sage⁸⁷ from Saint Peter: any thing done in his presence,⁸⁸ was in S. Peters presence. Neither did he vse all this Rhetoricke without purpose: for at that time the Patriarch of Constantinople contended with him for Primacie. And in the Coun- cell of Chalcedon,⁸⁹ the Bishops, sixe hundred and more, gaue equall authoritie to the Patriarch of that Sea, and would not admit any Priuiledge to the Sea of Rome aboue him; but went against him. And yet he that gaue so much to Peter, tooke nothing from Caesar; but gaue him both his Titles and due, giuing the power of calling a Councell to the Emperour; as it may appeare by these one or two places following of many. If it may please your godlinesse to vouchsafe at our supplication to condiscend, that you will command a Councell of Bishops to be holden within Italy.⁹⁰ And writing vnto the Bishop of Constantinople: Because the most clement Emperour,⁹¹ carefull of the peace of the Church, will haue a Councell to be holden; albeit it euidently appeare, the matter to be handled doeth in no case stand in neede of a Councell. And againe, Albeit my occasions will not permit me to be present vpon the day of the Councell of Bishops, which your godlinesse hath appointed.⁹² So as by this it may well appeare, that hee that gaue so much to Peter, gaue also to Caesar his due and prerogatiue. But yet he playeth not faire play in this, that euen in all these his wrong applied arguments and examples, hee produceth no other witnesses, but the parties themselues; bringing euer the Popes sentences for approbation of their owne authoritie.

Now indeed for one word of his in the middest of his examples, I cannot but greatly commend him; that is, that Martyrs ought to endure all sorts of tortures and death, before they suffer one syllable to be corrupted of the Law of God. Which lesson, if hee and all the rest of his owne profession would apply to them- selues, then would not the Sacrament be administred sub vnâ specie, directly con- trary to Christs institution, the practise of the Apostles and of the whole Primitive Church for many hundred yeeres: then would not the priuate Masses be in place of the Lordes Supper: then would not the words of the Canon ⁹³ of the Masse be opposed to the words of S. Paul and S. Luke, as our Aduersarie himselfe con- fesseth, and cannot reconcile them: nor then would not so many hundredths other traditions of men be set vp in their Church, not onely as equall, but euen preferred to the word of God. But sure in this point I feare I haue mistaken him: for I thinke hee doeth not meane by his Diuina Dogmata, the word of the God of heauen, but onely the Canons and Lawes of his Dominus Deus Papa: otherwise all his Primacie of the Apostolike Sea would not be so much sticken vpon, hauing so slender ground in the word of God.

And for the great feare he hath, that the suddennes of the apprehension, the bitternesse of the persecution, the weaknesse of his aage, and other such in- firmities might haue been the cause of the Arch-priests fall; in this, I haue already sufficiently answered him; hauing declared, as the trewth is, and as the said Blackwell himselfe will yet testifie, that he tooke this Oath freely of himselfe, without any inducement thereunto, either Precibus or Minis.

But amongst all his citations, hee must not forget holy Sanderus and his visibilis Monarchia, whose person and actions I did alreadie a little touch. And surely who will with vnpartiall eyes reade his bookes, they may well thinke, that hee hath deserued well of his English Romane-Church; but they can neuer thinke, but that hee deserued very ill of his English Soueraigne and State: Wit- nesse his owne books; whereout I haue made choice to set downe heere these fewe sentences following, as flowers pickt out of so worthy a garland. Elizabeth⁹⁴ Queene of ENGLAND, doeth exercise the Priestly acte of teaching and preaching the Gospel in ENGLAND, with no lesse authority than Christ himselfe, or Moses euer did. The supremacie of a woman⁹⁵ in Churchmatters is from no other, then from the Deuil. And of all things in generall thus he speaketh, The King⁹⁶ that will not inthrall himselfe to the Popes authoritie, he ought not to be tolerated; but his Subiects ought to giue all diligence, that another may be chosen in his place assoone as may be. A King that is an Heretike,⁹⁷ ought to be remooued from the Kingdome that hee holdeth ouer Christians; and the Bishops ought to endeauour to set vp another, assoone as possibly they can. Wee doe constantly affirme,⁹⁸ that all Christian Kings are so farre vnder Bishops and Priests in all matters appertaining to faith, that if they shall continue in a fault against Christian Religion, after one or two admonitions, obstinately, for that cause they may and ought to be deposed by the Bishops from their temporall au- thoritie they holde ouer Christians. Bishops ⁹⁹ are set ouer temporall kingdomes, if those kingdomes doe submit themselues to the faith of Christ. We doe iustly affirme,¹⁰⁰ that all Secular power, whether Regall, or any other, is of men. The anoynting¹⁰¹ which is powred vpon the head of the King by the Priests, doeth declare that hee is in- feriour to the Priest. It is altogether against the will of Christ,¹⁰² that Christian kings should haue supremacie in the Church.

And whereas for the crowne and conclusion of all his examples, he reckoneth his two English Martyrs, Moore and Roffensis, who died for that one most weightie head of doctrine, as he alledgeth, refusing the Oath of Supremacie; I must tell him, that he hath not been well informed in some materiall points, which doe very neerely concerne his two said Martyrs: For it is cleare and apparantly to be prooued by diuers Records, that they were both of them committed to the Tower about a yeere before either of them was called in question vpon their liues, for the Popes Supremacie; And that partly for their backwardnesse in the point of the establishment of the Kings succession, whereunto the whole Realme had subscribed, and partly for that one of them, to wit, Fisher, had had his hand in the matter of the holy maide of Kent;¹⁰³ hee being for his concealement of that false prophets abuse, found guiltie of misprision of Treason. And as these were the principall causes of their imprisonment (the King resting secure of his Suprem- acie, as the Realme stood then affected, but especially troubled for setling the Crowne vpon the issue of his second mariage) so was it easily to be conceiued, that being thereupon discontented, their humours were thereby made apt to draw them by degrees, to further opposition against the King and his authoritie, as indeede it fell out: For in the time of their being in prison, the Kings lawfull authoritie in cases Ecclesiasticall being published and promulged, as well by a generall decree of the Clergie in their Synode, as by an Acte of Parliament made thereupon; they behaued themselues so peeuishly therein, as the olde coales of the Kings anger being thereby raked vp of new, they were againe brought in question; as well for this one most weighty head of doctrine of the Pope his supremacy, as for the matter of the Kings mariage and succession, as by the con- fession of one of themselues, euen Thomas Moore, is euident: For being con- demned, he vsed these words at the barre before the Lords, Non ignoro cur me morti adiudicaueritis; videlicet ob id, quòd nunquam voluerim assentiri in negotio matrimonii Regis.¹⁰⁴ That is, I am not ignorant why you haue adiudged mee to death: to wit, for that I would neuer consent in the business of the new mariage of the King. By which his owne confession it is plaine, that this great martyr himselfe tooke the cause of his owne death, to be onely for his being refractary to the King in this said matter of Marriage and Succession; which is but a very fleshly cause of Martyrdome, as I conceiue.

And as for Roffensis his fellow Martyr (who could haue bene content to haue taken the Oath of the Kings Supremacie, with a certaine modification, which Moore refused) as his imprisonment was neither onely, nor principally for the cause of Supremacie, so died hee but a halting and a singular Martyr or witnesse for that most weighty head of doctrine; the whole Church of England going at that time, in one current and streame as it were against him in that Argument, diuers of them being of farre greater reputation for learning and sound iudge- ment, then euer he was. So as in this point we may well arme our selues with the Cardinals owne reason, where he giueth amongst other notes of the trew Church, Vniuersalitie for one, wee hauing the generall and Catholique conclusion of the whole Church of England, on our side in this case, as appeareth by their booke set out by the whole Conuocation of England, called, The Institution of a Christian man; the same matter being likewise very learnedly handled by diuers particular learned men of our Church, as by Steuen Gardiner in his booke De vera obedientia, with a Preface of Bishop Boners adioyning to it, De summo & absoluto Regis Imperio, published by M. Bekinsaw, De vera differentia Regiae Potestatis & Ecclesiasticae, Bishop Tonstals Sermon, Bishop Longlands Sermon, the letter of Tonstall to Cardinall Poole, and diuers other both in English and Latine. And if the bitternesse of Fishers discontentment had not bene fed with his dayly am- bitious expectation of the Cardinals hat, which came so neere as Calis before he lost his head to fill it with, I haue great reason to doubt, if he would haue con- stanly perseuered in induring his Martyrdome for that one most waighty head of doctrine.

And surely these two Captaines and ringleaders to Martyrdome were but ill followed by the rest of their countreymen: for I can neuer reade of any after them, being of any great accompt, and that not many, that euer sealed that weighty head of doctrine with their blood in England. So as the trew causes of their first falling in trouble (whereof I haue already made mention) being rightly considered vpon the one part, and vpon the other the scant number of witnesses, that with their blood sealed it (a point so greatly accompted of by our Cardinal) there can but smal glory redound thereby to our English nation, these onely two Enoch and Elias, seruing for witnesses against our Antichristian doctrine.

And I am sure the Supremacie of Kings may, & wil euer be better maintained by the word of God (which must euer be the trew rule to discerne all waighty heads of doctrine by) to be the trew and proper office of Christian Kings in their owne dominions, then he will be euer able to maintaine his annihilating Kings, and their authorities, together with his base and vnreuerend speaches of them, wherewith both his former great Volumes, and his late Bookes against Venice are filled. In the old Testament, Kings were directly¹⁰⁵ Gouernours over the Church within their Dominions,¹⁰⁶ purged their corruptions; reformed their abuses, brought the Arke¹⁰⁷ to her resting place, the King¹⁰⁸ dancing before it; ¹⁰⁹ built the Temple; ¹¹⁰ dedicated the same, assisting in their owne persons to the sanctification thereof; made the Booke of the Law ¹¹¹ new-found, to bee read to the people; ¹¹² renewed the Couenant between God and his people; ¹¹³ bruised the brasen serpent in pieces, which was set vp by the expresse commandement of God, and was a figure of Christ; destroyed all Idoles,¹¹⁴ and false gods; made a publike reforma- tion,¹¹⁵ by a Commission of Secular men and Priests mixed for that purpose; de- posed the high Priest,¹¹⁶ and set vp another in his place: and generally, ordered euery thing belonging to the Church-gouernment, their Titles and Prerogatiues giuen them by God, agreeing to these their actions. They are called the Sonnes¹¹⁷ of the most High, nay, Gods¹¹⁸ themselues; The Lords¹¹⁹ anoynted, Sitting in Gods¹²⁰ throne; His seruants;¹²¹ The Angels¹²² of God; According to his hearts desire;¹²³ The light of Israel;¹²⁴ The nursing fathers of the Church,¹²⁵ with innumerable such stiles of honour, wherwith the old Testament is filled; whereof our aduersary can pretend no ignorance. And as to the new Testament, Euery soule is commanded to be subiect vnto them, euen for conscience sake.¹²⁶ All men¹²⁷ must be prayed for; but especially Kings, and those that are in Authoritie, that vnder them we may leade a godly, peaceable and an honest life. The Magistrate ¹²⁸ is the minister of God, to doe vengeance on him that doeth euill, and reward him that doeth well. Ye must obey all higher powers, but especially Princes,¹²⁹ and those that are supereminent. Glue euery man his due, feare ¹³⁰ to whom feare belongeth, and honour to whome honour. Giue vnto Caesar ¹³¹ what is Caesars, and to God what is Gods.¹³² Regnum meum non est huius mundi.¹³³ Quis me constituit Iudicem super vos ? ¹³⁴ Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic. If these examples, sentences, titles, and prerogatiues, and innumerable other in the Old and New Testament doe not warrant Christian Kings, within their owne dominions, to gouerne their Church, as well as the rest of their people, in being Custodes vtriusque Tabulae, not by making new Articles of Faith, (which is the Popes office, as I said before) but by commanding obedience to be giuen to the word of God, by reforming the religion according to his prescribed will, by assisting the spirituall power with the temporall sword, by reforming of corrup- tions, by procuring due obedience to the Church, by iudging, and cutting off all friuolous questions and schismes, as Constantine ¹³⁵ did; and finally, by making decorum to be obserued in euery thing, and establishing orders to bee obserued in all indifferent things for that purpose, which is the onely intent of our Oath of Su- premacie: If this Office of a King, I say, doe not agree with the power giuen him by Gods word, let any indifferent man voyd of passion, iudge. But how these honourable offices, styles, and prerogatiues giuen by God to Kings in the Old and New Testament, as I haue now cited, can agree with the braue styles and titles that Bellarmine giueth them, I can hardly conceiue.

That Kings are rather slaues then Lords.¹³⁶

That they are not onely subiects to Popes, to Bishops, to Priests, but euen to Deacons.¹³⁷

That an Emperour must content himselfe to drinke, not onely after a Bishop, but after a Bishops Chaplen.¹³⁸

That Kings haue not their Authoritie nor Office immediatly from God, nor his Law, but onely from the Laws of Nations.¹³⁹

That Popes haue degraded many Emperours, but neuer Emperour degraded the Pope; nay, euen Bishops¹⁴⁰ that are but the Popes vassals, may depose Kings, and abrogate their lawes.¹⁴¹

That Church-men are so farre aboue Kings, as the soule is aboue the body.¹⁴²

That Kings may be deposed by their people, for diuers respects.¹⁴³

But Popes can by no meanes be deposed: for no flesh hath power to iudge of them.¹⁴⁴

That obedience due to the Pope, is for conscience sake.¹⁴⁵

But the obedience due to Kings, is onely for certaine respects of order and policie.¹⁴⁶

That these very Church-men that are borne, and inhabite in Soueraigne Princes countreys, are notwithstanding not their Subiects, and cannot bee iudged by them, although they may iudge them.¹⁴⁷

And, that the obedience that Church-men glue to Princes, euen in the meanest and meere temporall things, is not by way of any necessarie subiection, but onely out of discretion, and for obseruation of good order and custome.¹⁴⁸

These contrarieties betweene the Booke of God, and Bellarmines bookes, haue I heere set in opposition each to other, Vt ex contrariis iuxta se positis, veritas magis elucescere possit. And thus farre I dare boldly affirme, that who- soeuer will indifferently weigh these irreconciliable contraditions here set downe, will easily confesse, that CHRIST is no more contrarie to Belial, light to darknesse, and heauen to hell, then Bellarmines estimation of Kings, is to Gods.

Now as to the conclusion of his letter, which is onely filled with strong and pithie exhortations, to perswade and confirme Blackwell to the patient and con- stant induring of martyrdome, I haue nothing to answere, saue by way of regrate; that so many good sentences drawen out of the Scripture, so well and so hand- somely packed vp together, should be so ill and vntrewly applied: But an euill cause is neuer the better for so good a cloake; and an ill matter neuer amended by good wordes: And therefore I may iustly turne ouer that craft of the diuell vpon himselfe, in vsing so holy-like an exhortation to so euill a purpose. Onely I could haue wished him, that hee had a little better obserued his decorum herein, in not letting slippe two or three prophane words amongst so many godly mortified Scripture sentences. For in all the Scripture, especially in the New Testament, I neuer read of Pontifex Maximus. And the Pope must be content in that style to succeed according to the Law and institution of Numa Pompilius, and not to S. Peter, who neuer heard not dreamed of such an Office.

And for his Caput fidei, which I remembred before, the Apostles (I am sure) neuer gaue that style to any, but to CHRIST: So as these styles, whereof some were neuer found in Scripture, and some were neuer applyed but to CHRIST in that sense, as hee applieth it, had beene better to haue beene left out of so holy and mortified a letter.

To conclude then this present Discourse, I heartily with all indifferent readers of the Breues and Letter, not to iudge by the speciousnesse of the wordes, but by the weight of the matter; not looking to that which is strongly alledged, but iudiciously to consider what is iustly prooued: And for all my owne good and naturall Subiects, that their hearts may remaine established in the trewth; that these forraine inticements may not seduce them from their natall and naturall duetie; and that all aswell strangers, as naturall subiects, to whose eyes this Dis- course shall come, may wisely and vnpartially iudge of the Veritie, as it is nakedly here set downe, for clearing these mists and cloudes of calumnies, which were iniustly heaped vpon me; for which end onely I heartily pray the courteous Reader to be perswaded, that I tooke occasion to publish this Discourse.