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chapter 1chapter 2chapter 3chapter 4chapter 5chapter 6-11chapter 6chapter 7chapter 7Achapter 7Bchapter 8chapter 10chapter 11chapter 12-15chapter 12chapter 13chapter 14chapter 15chapter 16-18chapter 16chapter 17chapter 18chapter 19-24chapter 19chapter 20chapter 21chapter 22chapter 23chapter 24chapter 25-32chapter 25chapter 26chapter 27chapter 28chapter 29chapter 30chapter 31chapter 32chapter 33-7chapter 33chapter 34chapter 35chapter 36chapter 37chapter 38-40chapter 38chapter 39chapter 40chapter 41-6chapter 41chapter 42chapter 43chapter 44chapter 45chapter 46-51chapter 46chapter 47chapter 48chapter 49chapter 50chapter 51chapter 52-7chapter 52chapter 53-7chapter 53chapter 54chapter 55chapter 56chapter 57chapter 58-75chapter 58chapter 59chapter 60chapter 61chapter 62chapter 63chapter 64chapter 65chapter 66-70chapter 66chapter 67chapter 68chapter 69chapter 70chapter 71-5chapter 71chapter 72chapter 73chapter 74chapter 75chapter 76-9chapter 76chapter 77chapter 78chapter 80-5chapter 80chapter 81chapter 82chapter 83chapter 84chapter 85chapter 86-9chapter 86chapter 87chapter 88chapter 89chapter 90-5chapter 90chapter 91chapter 92chapter 93chapter 94chapter 95chapter 96-107chapter 96chapter 97chapter 98chapter 99chapter 100chapter 101chapter 102chapter 103chapter 105chapter 106chapter 107chapter 108-13chapter 108chapter 109chapter 110chapter 111chapter 112chapter 113chapter 114-22chapter 114chapter 115chapter 116chapter 117chapter 118chapter 119chapter 120chapter 122
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The opening sentence is clearly connected with the end of chapter 81. ἔθαπτον ... χωρὶς ἕκαστοι. Pausanias believed there were only three tombs in all (ix. 2. 5) τοῖς μὲν οὖν λοιποῖς ἐστὶν Ἕλλησι μνῆμα κοινόν: Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ καὶ Ἀθηναίων τοῖς πεσοῦσιν ἰδίᾳ τέ εἰσιν οἱ τάφοι, καὶ ἐλεγεῖά ἐστι Σιμωνίδου γεγραμμένα ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς. Presumably the other tombs had disappeared from neglect. ἰρένας. Iren is the term for a young Spartan between twenty and thirty years of age. These youths had no part in the meetings of the assembly and no right to a household of their own, but they were free from the discipline of the boys, and were indeed expected to inspire them by precept and example. They were also largely employed on military service. But it is impossible that all the Spartiates who won the highest distinction at Plataea were irens, and in particular that Amompharetus, colonel of his regiment, with a voice in the council of war (ch. 53, 55), should be so young a man. (This has led Blakesley to suspect the clause ἔνθα μὲν . . . Καλλικράτης.) Again, the Lacedaemonians or Perioeci (ch. 11. 3) are left out in H.'s scheme. It seems more likely that the first tomb contained all the Spartiates (the majority of whom may have been irens; cf. ch. 12. 2), the second the Perioeci, and the third the Helots.
Ἀθηναῖοι: so too Pausanias (l. c.). Thucydides (ii. 34) says that those who fell in war, except at Marathon, were buried at Athens, but it is a mistake to regard this as a deliberate contradiction. Marathon was the only purely Athenian battle-field on which the victors were buried, but Plataea was a Pan-Hellenic triumph.
The particular fact that the Aeginetan tomb was erected ten years after the battle by Cleades, their proxenus (viii. 136. 1 n.) at Plataea, is no doubt true enough, but the inference drawn by H. is unfair. It is probable enough that there were many cenotaphs erected later. Only where the dead fell thick and fast in a single spot, as in the case of the states previously named (§ 2), could their bones be gathered for burial. Those who fell in the earlier fighting, or even in the skirmishing of the day just before (ch. 49, 52) the battle, would be scattered over a wide area. In such cases it was customary to set up a cenotaph in memory of the dead; there would be no attempt at deception.
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