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[179]

Chapter 7: military operations in Missouri, New Mexico, and Eastern Kentucky--capture of Fort Henry.


Foward the close of the autumn of 1861, the attitude of the contending parties, civil and military, in the great basin of the central Mississippi Valley was exceedingly interesting. We left the National army in Southern Missouri, at the middle of November, dispirited by the removal of their favorite leader, slowly making their way toward St. Louis under their temporary commander, General Hunter, while the energetic Confederate leader, General Price, was advancing, and reoccupying the region which the Nationals abandoned.1 We left Southern Kentucky, from the mountains to the Mississippi River, in possession of the Confederates. Polk was holding the western portion, with his Headquarters at Columbus; General Buckner, with a strongly intrenched camp at Bowling Green, was holding the center; and Generals Zollicoffer and Marshall and others were keeping watch and ward on its mountain flanks. Back of these, and between them and the region where the rebellion had no serious opposition, was Tennessee, firmly held by the Confederates, excepting in its mountain region, where the most determined loyalty still prevailed.

On the 9th of November, 1861, General Henry Wager Halleck, who had been called from California by the President to take an active part in the war, was appointed to the command of the new Department of Missouri.2 He had arrived in Washington on the 5th,

Nov., 1861.
and on the 19th took the command, with Brigadier-General George W. Cullum, an eminent engineer officer, as his chief of staff, and Brigadier-General Schuyler Hamilton as assistant chief. Both officers had been on the staff of General Scott. The Headquarters were at St. Louis. General Hunter, whom Halleck superseded, was assigned to the command of the Department of Kansas.3 General Don Carlos Buell had superseded General Sherman, and was appointed commander of the Department of the Ohio;4 and the Department of Mexico, which included only the territory of New Mexico, was intrusted to Colonel E. R. S. Canby. Such was the arrangement of the military divisions of the territory westward of the Alleghanies late in 1861. [180]

General Halleck was then in the prime of life, and he entered upon his duties with zeal and vigor. He was possessed of large mental and physical energy, and much was expected of him. He carefully considered the plan arranged by, Fremont for clearing the States of Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, and Arkansas of armed insurgents, and securing the navigation of the Mississippi by sweeping its banks of obstructions, from Cairo to New Orleans.5 Approving of it in general, he pushed on the great enterprise with strong hopes of success.

Henry Wager Halleck.

Halleck's first care was to establish the most perfect discipline in his army, to overawe the secessionists, and to relieve the loyal people of Missouri of the effects of the dreadful tyranny inflicted by the latter, many of whom were engaged in armed bands in plundering the inhabitants, desolating the property of Union men, and destroying railways and bridges. Refugees were then crowding into the Union lines by thousands. Their miseries cannot be described. Men, women, and children were stripped, plundered, and made homeless. Naked and starving, they sought refuge and relief in St. Louis. Seeing this, the commander determined to apply an effectual remedy. In a general order, he directed the Provost-Marshal of St. Louis (Brigadier-General Curtis) to inquire into the condition of these refugees, and to take measures for quartering them “in the houses of avowed secessionists,” and for feeding and clothing them at the expense of that class of citizens, or others known to have been guilty of giving “assistance and encouragement to the enemy.” He also further ordered

Dec. 12, 1861.
wealthy secessionists to contribute for the support of these refugees, and that all who should not voluntarily do so should be subjected to a levy, either in money, food, clothing, or quarters, to the amount of ten thousand dollars each. This order was rigidly enforced, and many wealthy citizens were made to pay liberal sums. One prominent merchant, named Engel, who ventured to resist the order by appealing to the civil courts, was ordered out of the Department. This was the last appeal of that kind.

Determined to put a stop to the continual outflowing of information to the Confederates from within his lines, Halleck issued some very stringent orders. The earliest of these was Order No. 3,

Nov. 20.
which forbade fugitives entering or remaining within his lines, it having been represented to him that they conveyed contraband information out of them.6 This order was a subject of much comment, because of its seeming tenderness for the rebellious slaveholder, and cruelty toward the bondman seeking [181] freedom. That it was a mistake, subsequent experience fully demonstrated; for throughout the war the negro, whether bond or free, was uniformly the friend and helper of the National cause. General Halleck had been misinformed, and upon that misinformation he acted with the best intentions, one of which was to prevent the betrayal of the secret of his camps, and another that he might keep clear of the questions relating to masters and slaves,7 in which Fremont had been entangled, to his hurt.

In the order of the 4th of December, concerning the treatment of avowed secessionists, Halleck further directed that all rebels found within his lines in the disguise of pretended loyalty, or other false pretenses, or found giving information to the insurgents, should be “arrested, tried, and, if condemned, shot as spies.” This and all other orders, concerning the disloyalists by whom he was surrounded, were enforced; and he directed that any one attempting to resist the execution of them should be arrested and imprisoned, to be tried by a military commission. Many offenders being women, it was declared that “the laws of war make no distinction of sex.”

To enforce these laws, it was necessary to use military power, especially in the suppression of the bands of marauders who were then sweeping over the country. He accordingly sent General John Pope, who, as we have already observed, had been active in that Department, to disperse the encampments of these guerrillas in Western Missouri. Pope had been acting with vigor during the latter part of summer and the early autumn. The people of a district where outrages were committed had been held responsible for them. He had quartered his troops on such inhabitants, and required from them contributions of horses, mules, provisions, and other necessaries. He had organized Committees of Safety, on which were placed prominent secessionists, charged to preserve the peace; and in a short time comparative good order was restored. Now Pope was charged with similar duties. On the 7th of December, he was assigned to the command of all the National troops between the Missouri and Osage Rivers, which included a considerable portion of Fremont's army that fell back from Springfield. Price was advancing. He had made a most stirring appeal by proclamation to the Missourians to come and help him, and so help themselves to freedom and independence. The Governor (Jackson), he said, had called for fifty thousand men, but only five thousand had responded. “Where are those fifty thousand men?” he asked. “Are Missourians no longer true to themselves? Are they a timid, time-serving race, fit only for subjugation to a despot? Awake! my countrymen,” he cried, “ to a sense of what constitutes the dignity of the true greatness of a people. . . . Come to us, brave sons of the Missouri Valley! Rally to our standard! I must have the fifty thousand men. . . . . Do you stay at home for protection? More men have been murdered at home than I have lost in five successive battles. Do you stay at home to secure terms with the enemy? Then I warn you the day soon may come when you will be surrendered to the mercies of that enemy, and your substance given to the Hessians and the Jayhawkers.8 . . . Leave [182] your property to take care of itself. Come to the Army of Missouri, not for a week or a month, but to free your country.

Strike till each armed foe expires!
Strike for your country's altar fires!
Strike for the green graves of your sires,
God and your native land!

Be yours the office to choose between the glory of a free country and a just government, or the bondage of your children. I, at least, will never see the chains fastened upon my country. I will ask for six and a half feet of Missouri soil in which to repose, for I will not live to see my people enslaved.

This appeal aroused the disaffected Missourians, and at the time when Pope was ordered to his new field of operations, about five thousand recruits, it was said, were marching from the Missouri River and beyond to join Price. To prevent this combination was Pope's chief desire. He encamped thirty or forty miles southwest from Booneville, at the middle of December, and after sending out some of the First Missouri cavalry, under Major Hubbard, to watch Price, who was then at Osceola with about eight thousand men, and to prevent a reconnaissance of the main column of the Nationals, he moved his whole body

Dec. 16, 1861
westward and took position in the country between Clinton and Warrensburg, in Henry and Johnson counties. There were two thousand Confederates then near his lines, and against these Lieutenant-Colonel Brown, of the Seventh Missouri, was sent with a considerable cavalry force that scattered them. Having accomplished this, Brown returned to the main army,
Dec. 18.
which was moving on Warrensburg.

Informed that a Confederate, force was on the Blackwater, at or near Milford, North of him, Pope sent Colonel Jefferson C. Davis and Major Merrill to flank them, while the main body should be in a position to give immediate aid, if necessary. Davis found them in a wooded bottom on the west side of the Blackwater, opposite the mouth of Clear Creek. His forces were on the east side, and a bridge that spanned the Blackwater between them was strongly guarded. This was carried by assault, by two companies of the Fourth Regular Cavalry, under Lieutenants Gordon and Amory, supported by five companies of the First Iowa cavalry. Gordon led the charge in person, and received several balls through his cap. The Confederates were driven, the bridge was crossed, and a pursuit was pressed. Unable to, escape, the fugitives, commanded by Colonels Robinson, Alexander, and Magoffin (the latter a brother of the Governor of Kentucky), surrendered. The captives were one thousand three hundred in number, infantry and cavalry; and with them the Nationals gained as spoils about eight hundred horses and mules, a thousand stand of arms, and over seventy wagons loaded with tents, baggage, ammunition, and supplies of every kind.

At about midnight the prisoners and spoils were taken into Pope's camp, and the next day the victors and the vanquished moved back in the direction of Sedalia, Pope's starting-place. In the space of five days the infantry had marched more than one hundred miles, and the cavalry double that distance. During that time they had captured nearly fifteen hundred prisoners, with the arms and supplies just mentioned. They had swept the [183] whole country west of Sedalia, in the direction of Kansas, far enough to foil the attempts of recruits to reach Price in any considerable numbers, and to compel him to withdraw, in search of safety and subsistence, toward the borders of Arkansas.

Among the captured on the Blackwater, were many wealthy and influential citizens of Missouri. This event dealt a stunning blow to secession in that State for the moment, and Pope's short campaign gave great satisfaction to all loyal people. Halleck complimented him on his “brilliant success,” and feeling strengthened there by, he pressed forward with more vigorous measures for the complete suppression of the rebellion in his Department westward of the Mississippi River. On the 23d of December he declared martial law in St. Louis; and by proclamation on the 25th this system of rule was extended to all railroads and their vicinities.9 At about the same time General Price, who had found himself relieved from immediate danger, and encouraged by a promise of re-enforcements from Arkansas, under General McIntosh, concentrated about twelve thousand men at Springfield, where he put his army in comfortable huts, with the intention of remaining all winter, and pushed his picket-guards fifteen or twenty miles northward. This demonstration caused Halleck to concentrate his troops at Lebanon, the capital of Laclede County, northeastward of Springfield, early in February, under the chief command of General (late Colonel) S. R. Curtis. These were composed of the troops of Generals Asboth, Sigel, Davis, and Prentiss.

In the midst of storms and floods, over heavy roads and swollen streams, the combined forces moved on Springfield

Feb. 11, 1862.
in three columns, the right under General Davis, the center under General Sigel, and the left under Colonel (soon afterward General) Carr. On the same day they met some of Price's advance, and skirmishing ensued; and on the following day about three hundred Confederates attacked Curtis's picket-guards, but were repulsed. This feint of offering battle was made by Price to enable him to effect a retreat. On the night of the 12th and 13th
February.
he fled from Springfield with his whole force. Not a man of them was to be seen when Curtis's vanguard, the Fourth Iowa, entered the town at dawn the next morning. There stood their huts, in capacity sufficient to accommodate ten thousand men. The camp attested a hasty departure, for remains of supper and half-dressed sheep and hogs, that had been slain the previous evening, were found.

Price retreated to Cassville, closely pursued by Curtis. Still southward he hastened, and was more closely followed, his rear and flanks continually harassed during four days, while making his way across the Arkansas border to Cross Hollows.10 Having been re-enforced by Ben McCulloch, near a range of hills called Boston Mountains, he made a stand at Sugar Creek, where, in a brief engagement, he was defeated,

Feb. 20.
and was again compelled to fly. He halted at Cove Creek, where, on the 25th, he reported [184] to his wandering chief, Jackson, saying, “Governor, we are confident of the future.” General Halleck, quite. as “confident of the future,” was now able to report to his Government that Missouri was effectually cleared of the armed forces of insurgents who had so long infested it, and that the National flag was waving in triumph over the soil of Arkansas. In accomplishing this good work, no less than sixty battles and skirmishes, commencing with Booneville at the middle of June,11 and ending at the middle of the succeeding February,
1862.
had been fought on Missouri soil, resulting in an aggregate loss to both parties, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, of about eleven thousand men.12

While Halleck was thus purging Missouri, Hunter, with his Headquarters at Fort Leavenworth, was vigorously at work in Kansas, on the west of it.13 The general plan of his treatment of the rebellion, which was rife on the Missouri border, was set forth in a few words addressed to the Trustees of Platte City,

Dec. 2, 1861.
concerning an outlaw named Gordon, who, with a guerrilla band, was committing depredations and outrages of every kind in that region. Hunter said, “Gentlemen, I give you notice, that unless you seize and deliver the said Gordon to me at these Headquarters within ten days from this date, or drive him out of the country, I shall send a force to your city with orders to reduce it to ashes, and to burn the house of every secessionist in your county, and to carry away every negro. Colonel Jennison's regiment will be intrusted with the execution of this order.” Jennison, who was the commander of the First Kansas cavalry, was well known to the people as an ardent anti-slavery champion during the civil war in Kansas in 1855,14 and a man ready to execute any orders of the kind. That letter, the power given to Jennison, and a proclamation issued by the latter a short time before,15 made the secessionists very circumspect for a while, and “all quiet in Kansas” was a frequent report in the Spring of 1862.

Active and armed rebellion was at this time co-extensive with the slave-labor States. Colonel Canby found it ready to meet him even in the remote region of New Mexico, in the shape of invaders from Texas. Like Halleck and Hunter, he attacked the monster quickly and manfully. [185]

We have seen the loyal people of Texas bound hand and foot by a civil and military despotism after the treason of General Twiggs.16 The conspirators and their friends had attempted to play a similar game for attaching New Mexico to the intended Confederacy, and to aid Twiggs in giving over Texas to the rule of the Confederates. So early as 1860, Secretary Floyd sent Colonel W. H. Loring, of North Carolina (who appears to have been an instrument of the traitor), to command the Department of New Mexico, while Colonel George B. Crittenden, an unworthy son of the venerable Kentucky senator, who had been sent out for the same wicked purpose as Loring, was appointed by the latter, commander of an expedition against the Apaches, which was to start from Fort Staunton in the Spring of 1861. It was the business of these men to attempt the corruption of the patriotism of the officers under them, and to induce them to lead their men into Texas and give them to the service of the rebellion. One of these officers (Lieutenant-Colonel B. S. Roberts, of Vermont), who had joined Crittenden at Fort Staunton, perceiving the intentions of his commander, refused to obey any orders that savored of a treasonable purpose, and procuring a furlough, he hastened to Sante Fe, the Headquarters of the Department, and denounced Crittenden to Colonel Loring. He was astonished when, instead of thanks for his patriotic service, he received a reproof for meddling with other people's business, and discovered that Loring was also playing the game of treason. Roberts was ordered back to Fort Staunton, but, found an opportunity to warn Captain Hatch, the commander at Albuquerque, and Captain Morris, who held Fort Craig (both on the Rio Grande), as well as other loyal officers, of the treachery of their superiors. The iniquity of Loring and Crittenden soon became known to the little army under them, and they found it necessary to leave suddenly and unattended. Of the twelve hundred regular troops in New Mexico, not one proved treacherous to his country.

Loring and Crittenden made their way to Fort Fillmore, not far from El Paso and the Texas border, then commanded by Major Isaac Lynde, of Vermont. They found a greater portion of the officers there ready to engage in the work of treason. Major Lynde professed to be loyal, but, if so, he was too inefficient to be intrusted with command. Late in July, while leading about five hundred of the seven hundred troops under his control toward the village of Mesilla, he fell in with a few Texas insurgents, and, after a slight skirmish, fled back to the fort. He was ordered to evacuate it, and march his command to Albuquerque. Strange to say, the soldiers were allowed to fill their canteens with whisky and drink when they pleased. A large portion of them were drunken before they had marched ten miles, and then, as if by previous arrangement, a Texas force appeared on their flank.

July 27, 1861.
The soldiers who were not prostrated by intoxication wished to fight, but, by order of a council of officers, with Lynde at their head, they were directed to lay down their arms as prisoners of war. Lynde's commissary, Captain A. H. Plummer, who held seventeen thousand dollars in Government drafts, which he might have saved, handed them over to Baylor, the commander of the insurgents. For this cowardice or treachery, Lynde was simply dismissed from the army, and Plummer was reprimanded [186] and suspended from duty for six months. Thus, at one sweep, nearly one-half of the Government troops in New Mexico were lost to its service. The prisoners were paroled, and then permitted to go on to Albuquerque. Their sufferings from thirst on that march were terrible; some of them seeking to quench it by opening veins and drinking their own blood!

It was now thought that New Mexico would be an easy prey to the Texas insurgents. Miguel A. Otero, its delegate in the National Congress, had endeavored, by a published address,

Feb. 16, 1861.
to incite the inhabitants of New Mexico to rebellion, while Governor Abraham Rencher, of North Carolina, took measures to defend the Territory against the insurgents. His successor, Henry Connolly, was equally loyal. So also

Henry H. Sibley.

were the people; and when, at this juncture of affairs, Colonel Canby arrived as Commander of the Department, he was met with almost universal sympathy. He successfully appealed for a regiment of volunteers to the Governor of the neighboring Territory of Colorado, and these, with his few regular troops and New Mexico levies, made quite a respectable force in numbers, when Canby was informed that Colonel Henry H. Sibley, a major by brevet in the National army, and a Louisianian, who had abandoned his flag and put himself at the head of a band of insurgents known as Texas Rangers, some of them of the worst sort, was invading the Territory. His force was formidable in numbers (twenty-three hundred) and in experience, many of them having been in successive expedition s against the Indians.

Sibley issued a proclamation to the people of New Mexico, in which he denounced the National Government and demanded from the inhabitants aid for and allegiance to his marauders. Confident of success, he moved slowly, by way of Fort Thorn, and found Canby at Fort Craig, on the Rio Grande,

Feb. 19, 1862.
prepared to meet him. A reconnaissance satisfied him that, with his light field-pieces, an assault on the fort would be foolish. He could not retreat or remain with safety, and his military knowledge warned him that it would be very hazardous to leave a well-garrisoned fort behind him. So he forded the Rio Grande at a point below Fort Craig, and out of reach of its guns, for the purpose of drawing Canby out. In this he was successful. Canby at once threw a force across the river,17 to occupy a position on an eminence commanding the fort, which it was thought Sibley might attempt to gain.

In the afternoon of the following day, some cavalry, under Captain Duncan, and a battery were sent across, and drew a heavy cannonade from the Texans. The infantry were nearly all thrown into confusion, excepting [187] Colonel Kit Carson's regiment. The panic was so great that Canby ordered a return of all the forces to the fort. That night the exhausted mules of the Texans became unmanageable, on account of thirst, and scampered in every direction. The National scouts captured a large number of these, and also wagons, by which Sibley was greatly crippled in the matter of transportation.

At eight o'clock the next morning,

Feb. 21, 1862.
Canby sent Lieutenant-Colonel Roberts, with cavalry, artillery, and infantry,18 across the Rio Grande; and at Valverde, about seven miles north of the fort, they confronted the vanguard of the Texans under Major Pyron, who were making their way toward the river. The batteries opened upon Pyron, and he recoiled. Desultory fighting, mostly with artillery, was kept up until some time past noon, when Canby came upon the field, and took command in person. In the mean time, Sibley, who was quite ill, had turned over his command to Colonel Thomas Green, of the Fifth Texas regiment. Canby, considering victory certain for his troops, was preparing to make a general advance, when a thousand or more Texans, foot and horse, under Colonel Steele, who had gathered in concealment in a thick wood and behind sand-hills, armed with carbines, revolvers, and bowie-knives, suddenly rushed

One of Sibley's Texas Rangers.19

forward and charged furiously upon the batteries of McRea and Hall. The Texas cavalry, under Major Raguet, charged upon Hall's battery, and were easily repulsed; but those on foot, who made for McRea's battery, could not be checked. His grape and canister shot made fearful lanes in their ranks, but they did not recoil. They captured the battery, but not without encountering the most desperate defenders of the guns in McRea and his artillerists, a large number of whom, with their commander, were killed. McRea actually sat upon his gun, fighting his foe with his pistol until he was shot. The remainder of the Nationals, with the exception of Kit Carson's men and a few others, panic-stricken by the fierce charge of the Texans, fled like sheep before wolves, and refused to obey the commands of officers who tried to rally them. That flight was one of the most disgraceful scenes of the war, and Canby was compelled to see victory snatched from his hand when it seemed secure. The surviving Nationals. took refuge in Fort Craig. Their loss was sixty-two killed and one hundred and forty-two wounded. The loss of the Texans was about the same.

Sibley well comprehended the situation. The fort could not be taken, [188] and the spirit shown by a large portion of Canby's troops satisfied him that, notwithstanding his loss of transportation by the capture of his mules and wagons, he need not fear a pursuit. So, passing on and leaving his wounded at Socorro, thirty miles above Fort Craig, Sibley pressed forward to Albuquerque, fifty miles farther, which was at once surrendered. His destination was Santa Fe, and he was marching with perfect confidence of success there, when his vanguard, under W. R. Scurry, was met near Fort Union, in the Canon Glorietta, or Apache Pass, fifteen miles from the capital of New Mexico, by about thirteen hundred National troops, under Colonel John P. Slough. These were mostly Colorado Volunteers, with a few regulars. A greater part of these had just traversed the mountain wilderness from Denver, and during the latter part of their journey, after hearing of Sibley's approach to Santa Fe, they had marched at the rate of forty miles a day. In that narrow defile, where flanking was out of the question, a very severe fight between the infantry and artillery of both parties occurred,

March 24, 1862.
in which the Texans were victorious, after a loss of thirty-six killed and sixty wounded. The National loss was twenty-three killed and fifty wounded.20

Sibley entered Santa Fe without further resistance. His army was greatly crippled, and the people were either indifferent or actively opposed to him. He seized whatever property might be useful to him, and hoped to hold his position; but a month had not elapsed before he was compelled to fly back to Albuquerque, which he had made his depot of supplies, for these were threatened by the forces of Colonel Canby, approaching from below. He accomplished that purpose, but was so satisfied that he could not hold New Mexico, that he evacuated Albuquerque on the 12th of April,

1862.
leaving his sick and wounded in hospitals there and at Santa Fe. After skirmishing with his opponents along the river, each party moving on opposite sides of the stream, and perceiving imminent danger to his whole command, Sibley fled under cover of the night to the mountains, with his scanty provisions on pack mules, dragging his cannon over rugged spurs and along fearful precipices, for ten days. Then he again struck the Rio Grande at a point where he had ordered supplies to meet him. He then made his way to Fort Bliss,21 in Texas,
May 4.
a wiser if not a happier man. Canby did not follow him over the mountains, but returned to Santa Fe, and reported to the Secretary of War that Sibley, who had been compelled to evacuate New Mexico, had left behind him, “in dead and wounded, and in sick and prisoners, one-half of his original force.”

Let us now observe events eastward of the Mississippi River, within the Departments of Generals Halleck22 and Buell,23 having a connection with the [189] grand plan for expelling the Confederates from Kentucky, and liberating Tennessee from their grasp.

We have seen how the loyalists in the Kentucky Legislature foiled the efforts of the Governor and his political friends to link the fortunes of that State with those of the “Southern Confederacy.” These efforts were met, as we have observed, by the occupation of the whole southern portion of the commonwealth by Confederate troops, all of which were within the Department

Albert Sidney Johnston.

commanded by General Albert Sidney Johnston. That officer had been an able veteran in the army of the Republic, and was then about sixty years of age. He was a Kentuckian by birth, and his sympathies were with the conspirators. He was on duty in California when the war was kindling, and was making preparations, with other conspirators there, to array that State on the side of the Confederacy,24 when he was superseded in command by Lieutenant-Colonel E. V. Sumner, of Massachusetts. Johnston then abandoned his flag, joined the conspirators in active rebellion, and was appointed by Jefferson Davis to the command of the “Western Department,” with his Headquarters at Nashville.

Under the shadow of Johnston's protection, and behind the cordon of Confederate troops stretched across the State, the disloyal politicians of Kentucky proceeded to organize an independent government for the commonwealth. They met at Russellville, the capital of Logan County, in the southern part of the State, on the 29th of October. They drew up a manifesto, in which the grievances of Kentucky were recounted, and the action of its Legislature denounced. They then called upon the people of the State to choose, “in any manner” they might see fit, “delegates to attend a ‘Sovereignty convention,’ ” at Russellville, on the 18th of November. At the appointed time, about two hundred men from fifty-one counties, not elected by the people, assembled, and with difficult gravity adopted a “Declaration of Independence,” and an “Ordinance of Secession,”

Nov. 20, 1861.
and then proceeded to organize a “Provisional Government,” by choosing a governor, a legislative council of ten, a treasurer, and an auditor.25 Bowling Green was selected as the new capital of the State. Commissioners were appointed to treat with the “Confederate Government,” for the admission of Kentucky into the league;26 and before the close of December the arrangement was made, and so-called [190] representatives of that great commonwealth were chosen by the “Legislative council”
Dec. 16, 1861.
to seats in the “Congress” at Richmond.27 The people had nothing to do with the matter, and the ridiculous farce did not end here. All through the war, disloyal Kentuckians pretended to represent their noble old State in the supreme council of the conspirators, where they were chosen only, a great portion of that time, by the few Kentuckians in the military service of Jefferson Davis.

While these political events in Kentucky were in progress, military movements in that quarter.were assuming very important features. General Johnston concentrated troops at Bowling Green, and General Hardee was called from Southeastern Missouri, to supersede General Buckner in command there. The forces under General Polk at Columbus were strengthened, and Zollicoffer, having secured the important position of Cumberland Gap, proceeded to occupy the rich mineral and agricultural districts around the upper waters of the Cumberland River. He issued a proclamation

Dec. 16.
to the people of Southeastern Kentucky, declaring, in the set phrases used by all the instruments of the conspirators, when about to plant the heel of military despotism upon a community, that he came as their “liberator from the Lincoln despotism” and the ravages of “Northern hordes,” who were “attempting the subjugation of a sister Southern State.”

In the mean time, General Buell had organized a large force at Louisville, with which he was enabled to strengthen various advanced posts, and throw

Buell's Headquarters at Louisville.28

forward, along the line of the railway toward Bowling Green, about forty thousand men, under General Alexander McD. McCook. As this strong body advanced, the vanguard of the Confederates, under General Hindman (late member of Congress from Arkansas), fell back to the southern bank of the Green River, at Mumfordsville, where that stream was spanned by one of the most costly iron bridges in the country.29 This was partially destroyed, in order to impede the march of their pursuers. The latter soon constructed a temporary one. For this purpose, a greater portion of Colonel August Willich's German regiment (the Thirty-second Indiana), forming McCook's vanguard, were thrown across the river, where they were attacked,
Dec. 17.
at Rowlett Station, by a regiment of mounted Texas Rangers, under Colonel Terry, supported by two [191] regiments of infantry and a battery of six guns. The Nationals, though greatly outnumbered, and attacked chiefly by cavalry and artillery, repulsed the assailants with ball and bayonet, killing Terry and thirty-two others, wounding about fifty, and losing eight killed and ten wounded themselves.30 In this work they were aided by a battery on the north side of the river. Seeing re-enforcements crossing, the Confederates withdrew toward Bowling Green, slowly followed by the Nationals.

Thomas C. Hindman in 1858.

In the mean time, stirring scenes were in progress in the extreme eastern part of Kentucky, and movements there caused a brief diversion of a part of Buell's army from the business of pushing on in the direction of Tennessee. Humphry Marshall was again in the field, at the head of about twenty-five hundred insurgents, and at the beginning of January was intrenched in the neighborhood of Paintsville, in Johnston County, on the main branch of the Big Sandy River, that forms the boundary between Kentucky and Virginia. Colonel James A. Garfield, one of the most energetic young men of Ohio, was sent with the Forty-second Ohio and Fourteenth Kentucky regiments, and three hundred of the Second Virginia cavalry, to dislodge him. Garfield followed the course of the river in a march of greatest difficulty and danger, at an inclement season. When Marshall heard of his approach, he fled in alarm up the river toward Prestonburg. Garfield's cavalry pursued, and, in an encounter with those of Marshall,

Jan. 7, 1862.
at the mouth of Jennis's Creek, they killed some, and drove the others several miles. On the following day, Garfield also set out with about eleven hundred of his force in pursuit, and overtaking Marshall in the forks of Middle Creek, three miles above Prestonburg, where he was strongly posted with three cannon on a hill, he gave battle, fought him from one o'clock in the afternoon until dark, and drove him from all his positions. Garfield, having been re-enforced by seven hundred men from Paintsville, was enabled to make the victory for the Unionists at the battle of Prestonburg, as it is called, complete. The National loss was two killed and twenty-five wounded. That of the insuregents was estimated at sixty killed, and about one hundred wounded or made prisoners.31 The ponderous Marshall was not heard of afterward as a military leader. Because of his services on this occasion, Garfield was commissioned
Jan. 11.
a brigadier-general of volunteers. [192]

This victory on the Big Sandy was soon followed by another of the greatest importance, on the borders of the Cumberland River, farther westward. Zollicoffer, as we have observed, had established himself in the region of the upper waters of the Cumberland. At the close of the year

1861.
he was strongly intrenched at Beech Grove, on the north side of that river, opposite Mill Spring, in Pulaski County, at the bend of the stream where it receives the White Oak Creek. On a range of hills that rise several hundred feet above the river, and with water on three sides of him, he had constructed a series of fortifications; and on the opposite, or south side of the Cumberland he had also erected supporting works. There he had gathered a large part of his force, composed of infantry, cavalry, and artillery; and there, early in January,
1862.
he was joined by Major-General George B. Crittenden, already mentioned,32 who had been discharged from the National army because of his intemperance, and had espoused the cause of the conspirators, while a brother was in the military service of, the Government, in the same State. He ranked Zollicoffer, and assumed the chief command.
Jan. 6.
On the same day he inflicted a long and bombastic proclamation on the “people of Kentucky,” closing with the appeal, “Will you join in the moving columns of the South, or is the spirit of Kentucky dead?”

At this time General Buell had under his command about one hundred and fourteen thousand men, composed chiefly of citizens of Ohio, Indiana,

Don Carlos Buell.

Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Pennsylvania, and loyalists of Kentucky and Tennessee, with about one hundred and twenty-six pieces of artillery.33 This large army was divided into four grand divisions, commanded respectively by Brigadier. Generals Alexander McDowell McCook, Ormsby M. Mitchel, George H. Thomas, and Thomas L. Crittenden, acting as major-generals, aided by twenty brigade commanders. These divisions occupied a line across the State, nearly parallel to that held by the Confederates. McCook's, as we have observed, was in the vicinity of Mumfordsville. Brigadier-General William Nelson was [193] about ten miles farther east, with a considerable force, and Mitchel's was held as a reserve to aid McCook in his contemplated attack on Hindman, at Cave City. General Thomas was at Columbia, midway between Bowling Green on the west, and Somerset on the east, and Crittenden was in the extreme eastern part of the State, in the direction of Cumberland Gap.

To General Thomas was assigned the duty of attacking the Confederates at Beech Grove and Mill Spring, where, at the middle of January, there were about ten thousand effective men, with nearly twenty pieces of artillery. If successful there, Thomas was to push on over the Cumberland Mountains into the great valley of East Tennessee, seize the railway that traversed that region, and afforded quick communication between the Confederate armies in the West and in Virginia, and liberate the East Tennesseeans from their terrible thrall. It was a great work to be performed, and Thomas was precisely the man for the task. He entered upon it with alacrity. He divided his force, giving a smaller portion to the care of General Schoepf at Somerset, while he led the remainder in person, in a flank movement from Columbia, by way of Jamestown. He reached Logan's Cross Roads, ten miles from Beech Grove, on the 17th,

January, 1862.
where, during the prevalence of a heavy rain-storm, he gathered his troops and made disposition for an immediate attack. In the mean time the Confederates had left their intrenchments, and had marched to meet him. General Crittenden, satisfied that Zollicoffer's position was untenable against superior numbers,34 had determined to take the offensive. The Fishing Creek, which lay between the forces of Thomas and Schoepf, was so swollen by the rain that he hoped to strike the Nationals before these divisions could unite. He called a council of war on the evening of the 18th, when it was unanimously agreed to make the attack.35 Zollicoffer was immediately ordered to lead the column. He started at midnight, Carroll's Brigade following his.36 Following these as a reserve were the Sixteenth Alabama, Colonel Wood, and Branner's and McClellan's battalions of cavalry. The whole force was between four and five thousand strong. At early dawn, Zollicoffer's advance met the Union pickets.

General Thomas had been advised of this movement. He had made! dispositions accordingly, and the pickets, encountered by the Confederate vanguard, were of Woolford's cavalry. These fell slowly back, and Woolford reported to Colonel M. D. Manson, of the Tenth Indiana, who was in command of the Second Brigade, stationed in advance of the main body. That officer formed his own and the Fourth Kentucky (Colonel S. S. Fry) in battle order, at the junction of the Somerset and Mill Spring Roads, [194] about five miles from the latter place, to await attack, and then sent a courier to inform Thomas of the situation. The commanding general hastened forward to view the position, when he found the Confederates advancing through a corn-field, to flank the Fourth Kentucky. He immediately ordered up the Tennessee brigade and a section of artillery, and sent orders for Colonel R. L. McCook to advance with his two regiments (Ninth Ohio, Major Kaemmerling, and Second Minnesota, Colonel H. P. Van Cleve) to the support of the vanguard.

The battle was opened at about six o'clock by the Kentucky and Ohio regiments, and Captain Kinney's Battery, stationed on the edge of the field, to the left of the Fourth Kentucky. It was becoming very warm when McCook's reserves came up to the support of the Nationals. Then the Confederates

Map of the battle of Mill Spring.37

opened a most galling fire upon the little line, which made it waver. At that moment it was strengthened by the arrival of the Twelfth Kentucky, Colonel W. A. Hoskins, and the Tennessee Brigade, who joined in the fight. The conflict became very. severe, and for a time it was doubtful which side would bear off the palm of victory. The Nationals had fallen back, and were hotly contesting the possession of a commanding hill, with Zollicoffer's Brigade, when that General, who was at the head of his column, and near the crest with Colonel Battle's regiment, was killed. The Confederate General Crittenden immediately took his place, and, with the assistance of Carroll's Brigade, continued the struggle for the hill for almost two hours. But the galling fire of the Second Minnesota, and a heavy charge of the Ninth Ohio with bayonets on the Confederate flank, compelled the latter to give way, and they retreated toward their camp at Beech Grove, in great confusion, pursued by the victorious Nationals to the summit of Moulden's Hill. From that commanding point Standart's and Wetmore's Batteries could sweep the Confederate works, while Kinney's Battery, stationed near Russell's house on the extreme left, opened fire upon the ferry, to prevent the Confederates from escaping across the Cumberland.

Such was the situation on Sunday evening,

Jan. 19, 1862.
at the close of the battle, when Thomas was joined by the Fourteenth Ohio, Colonel Stedman, and the Tenth Kentucky, Colonel Harlan; also by General Stedman, and the Tenth Kentucky, Colonel Harlan; also by General [195] Schoepf, with the Seventeenth, Thirty-first, and Thirty-eighth Ohio. Disposition was made early the next morning to assault the Confederate intrenchments, when it was ascertained that the works were abandoned. The beleaguered troops had fled in silence across the river, under cover of the darkness, abandoning every thing in their camp, and destroying the steamer Noble Ellis (which had come up the river with supplies), and three flat-boats, which had carried them safely over the stream.38 Destitute of provisions and forage, the sadly-smitten Confederates were partially dispersed among the hills on the borders of Kentucky and Tennessee, while seeking both. Crittenden retreated first to Monticello, and then continued his flight until he reached Livingston and Gainesborough, in the direction of Nashville, in order to be in open communication with Headquarters at the latter place, and to guard the Cumberland as far above it as possible.

Thus ended the battle of Mill Spring (which has been also called the Battle of Beech Grove, Fishing Creek, and Somerset), with a loss to the Nationals of two hundred and forty-seven, of whom thirty-nine were killed, and two hundred and eight were wounded; and to the Confederates of

Army Forge.

three hundred and forty-nine, of whom one hundred and ninety-two were killed, sixty-two were wounded, and eighty-nine were made prisoners. Among the killed, as we have seen, was General Zollicoffer, whose loss, at that time, was irreparable.39 The spoils of victory for Thomas were twelve pieces of artillery, with three caissons packed, two army forges,40 one battery wagon, a large amount of ammunition and small arms, more than a thousand horses and mules, wagons, commissary stores, intrenching tools, [196] and camp equipage. The men in their flight left almost every thing behind them, except the clothing on their persons.41

This victory was considered one of the most important that had yet been achieved by the National arms. It broke the line of the Confederates in Kentucky, opened a door of deliverance for East Tennessee, and prepared the way for that series of successful operations by which very soon afterward the invaders were expelled from both States. The Government and the loyal people hailed the tidings of the triumph with great joy. The Secretary of War, by order of the President, issued an order announcing the event, and publicly thanking the officers and soldiers who had achieved the victory. He declared the purpose of the war to be “to pursue and destroy a rebellious enemy, and to deliver the country from danger ;” and concluded by saying, “In the prompt and spirited movements and daring at Mill Spring, the nation will realize its hopes,” and “delight to honor its brave soldiers.”

The defeat was severely felt by the Confederates; for they were wise enough to understand its significance, prophesying, as it truly did, of further melancholy disasters to their cause. The conspirators perceived the urgent necessity for a bold, able, and dashing commander in the West, and believing Beauregard to be such an one, he was ordered to Johnston's Department,

Jan. 27, 1862.
and General G. W. Smith, who had been an active democratic politician in New York city, was appointed to succeed him at Manassas.42 Crittenden was handled without mercy by the critics. He was accused of treachery by some, and others, more charitable, charged the loss of the battle to his drunkenness. All were compelled to acknowledge a serious disaster, and from it drew the most gloomy conclusions. Their despondency was deepened by the blow received by the Confederate cause at Roanoke Island soon afterward;43 and the feeling became one of almost despair, when, a few days later, events of still greater importance, and more withering to their hopes, which we are about to consider, occurred on the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers.44

So active and skillful had Johnston been in his Department, in strengthening his irregular line of posts and fortifications for nearly four hundred [197] miles across Southern Kentucky, and within the Tennessee border from Cumberland Gap to Columbus on the Mississippi, that when General Thomas had accomplished the first part of the work he was sent to perform, it was thought expedient not to push farther, seriously, in the direction of East Tennessee just at that time. It was evident that the Confederates were preparing to make an effort to seize Louisville, Paducah, Smithville, and Cairo, on the Ohio, in order to command the most important land and water highways in Kentucky, so as to make it the chief battleground in the West, as Virginia was in the East, and keep the horrors of war from the soil of the more Southern States. As Charleston was defended on the

Region of military movements in Eastern Kentucky.45

Potomac, so New Orleans was to be defended by carrying the war up to the banks of the Ohio. Looking at a map of Kentucky and Virginia, and considering the attitude of the contending forces in each at that time, the reader may make a striking parallelism which a careful writer on the subject has pointed out.46

Governed by a military necessity, which changing circumstances had created, it was determined to concentrate the forces of Halleck and Buell in a grand forward movement against the main bodies and fortifications of the Confederates. Thomas's victory at Mill Spring had so paralyzed that line eastward of Bowling Green, that it was practically shortened at least one-half. Crittenden, as we have observed, had made his way toward Nashville, and left the Cumberland almost unguarded above that city; yet so mountainous was that region, and so barren of subsistence, that a flank movement [198] in that direction would have been performed with much difficulty and danger.

Plan of the fortifications at Columbus.

The great body of the Confederate troops, and their chief fortifications, were between Nashville and Bowling Green and the Mississippi River, and upon these the combined armies of Halleck and Buell prepared to move. These fortifications had been constructed with skill, as to location and form, under the direction of General Polk, and chiefly by the labor of slaves. The principal works, were redoubts on Island No.10, in the Mississippi River, and at Columbus, on its, eastern bank; Fort Henry, on the Tennessee River, and Fort Donelson, on the, Cumberland River. The two latter were in Tennessee, not far below the line dividing it from Kentucky, at points where the two rivers approach within a few miles of each other.

During the autumn and early winter, a naval armament, projected by Fremont for service on the Mississippi River, had been in preparation at St. Louis and Cairo, for co-operation with the military forces in the West. It consisted, at the close of January,

1862.
of twelve gun-boats (some new and others made of river steamers), carrying one hundred and twenty-six heavy cannon and some lighter guns,47 the whole commanded by Flag-officer Andrew Hull Foote, of the National navy. Seven of these boats were covered with iron plates, and were built very wide in proportion to their length, so that on the still river waters they might have almost the steadiness of stationary land batteries when discharging their heavy guns. The sides of these armored vessels were made sloping upward and downward from the water-line, at an angle of forty-five degrees, so as to ward off shot and shell; and they were so constructed that, in action, they could be kept “bow on,” or the bow toward the enemy. Their hulls were made of heavy oak timber, with triple strength at the bows, and sheathed with wroughtiron plates two and a half inches in thickness. Their engines were very powerful, so as to facilitate movements in action; and each boat carried a mortar of 13-inch caliber.48

These vessels, although originally constructed for service on the Mississippi River, were found to be of sufficiently light draft to allow them to navigate the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers, into whose waters they were speedily summoned, to assist an army which General Halleck had placed under the command of General Grant, in an expedition against Forts [199] Henry and Donelson. Notwithstanding repeated assurances had been given to Mallory — the Confederate Secretary of the Navy--that these forts would be, in a great degree, at the mercy of the National gun-boats abuilding, that conspirator, who was remarkable for his obtuseness, slow method, and indifferent intellect, and whose ignorance, even of the geography of Kentucky and Tennessee, had been broadly travestied in “Congress,” 49 paid no attention to these warnings, but left both rivers open, without placing a single floating battery upon either. This omission was observed and taken advantage of by the Nationals, and early in February a large force that had moved from the Ohio River was pressing toward the doomed forts, whose

Footers flotilla.

capture would make the way easy to the rear of Bowling Green. By that movement the Confederate line would be broken, and the immediate evacuation of Kentucky by the invaders would be made an inexorable necessity.

Preliminary to this grand advance, and for the double purpose of studying the topography of the country, and for deceiving the Confederates concerning the real designs of the Nationals, several reconnoissances, in considerable force, were made on both sides of the Mississippi River, toward the reputed impregnable stronghold at Columbus. One of these minor expeditions, composed of about seven thousand men, was commanded by General McClernand, who left Cairo for Fort Jefferson, and other places below, in river transports, on the 10th of January.

1862.
From that point he penetrated Kentucky far toward the Tennessee line, threatening Columbus and the country in its rear. At the same time, General Paine marched with nearly an equal force from Bird's Point, on the Missouri side of the Mississippi, in the direction of Charleston, for the purpose of supporting McClernand, menacing New Madrid, and reconnoitering Columbus; while a third party, six thousand strong, under General C. F. Smith, moved from Paducah to Mayfield, in the direction of Columbus. Still another force moved eastward to Smithland, between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers; and at the same time gun-boats were patrolling the waters of the Ohio and Mississippi, those on the latter threatening Columbus. These reconnoitering [200] parties all returned to their respective starting places preparatory to the grand movement.

These operations alarmed and perplexed the Confederates, and so puzzled the newspaper correspondents with the armies, that the wildest speculations about the intentions of Halleck and Buell, and the most ridiculous criticisms of their doings, filled the public journals. These speculations were made more unsatisfactory and absurd by the movements of General Thomas, immediately after the Battle of Mill Spring, who, it was then believed by the uninformed, was to be the immediate liberator of East Tennessee. He had crossed the Cumberland River in force, after the battle of Mill Spring, at the head of navigation at Waitsboro, and had pushed a column on toward Cumberland Gap. Predictions of glorious events in the great valley between the Alleghany and Cumberland Mountains were freely offered and believed; but the hopes created by these were speedily blasted. The movement was only a feint to deceive the Confederates, and was successful. To save East Tennessee from the grasp of Thomas, Johnston sent a large body of troops by railway from Bowling Green by way of Nashville and Chattanooga to Knoxville, and when the Confederate force was thus weakened in front of Buell, Thomas was recalled. The latter turned back, marched westward, and joined Nelson at Glassgow, in Barren County, on Hardee's right flank. In the mean time, Mitchel, with his reserves that formed Buell's center, had moved toward the Green River in the direction of Bowling Green. These developments satisfied Johnston that Buell was concentrating his forces to attack his front, so he called in his outlying posts as far as prudence would allow, and prepared

January, 1862.
for the shock of battle, that now seemed inevitable.

The combined movements of the army and navy against Forts Henry and Donelson, arranged by Generals Grant and C. F. Smith,50 and Commodore Foote, and approved by General Halleck, were now commenced. The chief object was to break the line of the Confederates, which, as we have observed, had been established with care and skill across the country from the Great River to the mountains; also to gain possession of their strongholds, and to flank those at Columbus and Bowling Green, in the movement for clearing the Mississippi River and valley of all warlike obstructions. Fort Henry, lying on a low bottom land on the eastern or righ tbank of the Tennessee River, in Stewart County, Tennessee, was to be the first object of attack. It lay at a bend of that stream, and its guns commanded a reach of the river below it toward Panther Island, for about two miles, in a direct line. The fort was an irregular field-work, with five bastions, the embrasures revetted with sand-bags. It was armed with seventeen heavy guns, twelve of which commanded the river. Both above and below the fort was a [201] creek defended by rifle-pits, and around it was swampy land with back-water in the rear. It was strong in itself, and so admirably situated for defense, that the Confederates were confident that it could not be captured. At the time we are considering, the garrison in the fort and the troops in camp within the outer works, consisting of less than three thousand men,51 were commanded by Brigadier-General Loyd Tilghman, a Marylander, and graduate of West Point Academy, and it was supplied with barracks and tents sufficient for an army fifteen thousand strong.

Plan of Fort Henry.52

General Halleck, as we have seen, had divided his large Department into military districts, and he had given the command over that of Cairo to General Grant. This was enlarged late in December,

Dec. 20, 1861.
so as to include all of Southern Illinois, Kentucky west of the Cumberland River, and the counties of Eastern Missouri south of Cape Girardeau. Grant was therefore commander of all the land forces to be engaged in the expedition against Fort Henry.53 To that end he collected his troops at the close of the reconnaissance just mentioned, chiefly at Cairo and Paducah, and had directed General Smith to gain what information he could concerning the two Tennessee forts. Accordingly, on his return, that officer struck the Tennessee River about twenty miles below Fort Henry, where he found the gun-boat Lexington patrolling its waters. In that vessel he approached the fort so near as to draw its fire, and he reported to Grant that it might easily be taken, if attacked soon. The latter sent the report to General Halleck.

Hearing nothing from their chief for several days afterward, Grant and Foote united, in a letter to Halleck,

Jan. 28, 1862.
in asking permission to storm Fort Henry, and hold it as a base for other operations. On the following day Grant wrote an urgent letter to his commander setting forth the advantages to be expected from the proposed movement, and on the 30th an order came for its prosecution.54 The enterprise was [202] immediately begun, and on Monday morning, the 2d of February,
1862.
Flag-officer Foote left Cairo with a little flotilla of seven gun-boats55 (four of them armored), moved up the Ohio to Paducah, and on that evening was in the Tennessee River. He went up that stream cautiously, because of information that there were torpedoes in it, and on Tuesday morning,
Feb. 3.
at dawn, he was a few miles below Fort Henry.

Andrew H. Foote.

Grant's army, composed of the divisions of Generals McClernand and C. F. Smith, had, in the mean time, embarked in transports, which were convoyed by the flotilla. These landed a few miles below the fort, and soon afterward the armored gun-boats (Essex, St. Louis, Carondelet, and Cincinnati) were sent forward by Grant, with orders to move slowly and shell the woods on each side of the river, in order to discover concealed batteries, if they existed. At the same time the Conestoga and Tyler were successfully engaged, under the direction of Lieutenant Phelps, in fishing up torpedoes.56 [203]

By the morning of the 6th, every thing was in readiness for the attack, which was to be made simultaneously on land and water. McClernand's division58 moved first, up the eastern side of the Tennessee, to get in a position between Forts Henry and Donelson, and be in readiness to storm the former from the rear, or intercept the retreat of the Confederates, while two brigades of Smith's division,59 that were to make the attack, marched up the west side of the river to assail and capture half-finished Fort Hieman,60 situated upon a great hill, and from that commanding point bring artillery to bear upon Fort Henry.

There had been a tremendous thunder-storm during the night, which made the roads very heavy, and caused the river to rise rapidly. The consequence was, that the gun-boats were in position and commenced the attack some time before the troops, who had been ordered to march at eleven: o'clock in the morning, arrived. The little streams were so swollen that they had to build bridges for the passage of the artillery; and so slow was the march that they were compelled to hear the stirring sounds of battle without being allowed to participate in it.61

It was at half-past 12 o'clock at noon when the gun-boats opened fire. The flotilla had passed Panther Island by the western channel, and the

Interior of Fort Henry.

armored vessels had taken position diagonally across the river, with the unarmored gun-boats Tyler, Lexington, and Conestoga, in reserve. The fort warmly responded to the assault at the beginning (which was made at a distance of six hundred yards from the batteries), but the storm from the [204] flotilla was so severe, that very soon the garrison became panic-stricken. Seven of the guns were dismounted, and made useless; the flag-staff was shot away; and a heavy rifled cannon in the fort had bursted, killing three men. The troops in the camp outside the fort fled, most of them by the upper Dover road, leading to Fort Donelson, and others on a steamer lying just above Fort Henry. General Tilghman and less than one hundred artillerists in the fort were all that remained to surrender to the victorious Foote.62

The Confederate commander had behaved most soldierly throughout, at times doing a private's duty at the guns. His gallantry, Foote said in his report, “was worthy of a better cause.” Before two o'clock he hauled down his flag and sent up a white one, and the battle of Fort Henry ceased,

Feb. 6, 1862.
after a severe conflict of little more than an hour.63 It was all over before the land troops arrived, and neither those on the Fort Henry side of the river, nor they who moved against Fort Hieman, on the other bank of the stream, had an opportunity to fight. The occupants of the latter had fled at the approach of the Nationals without firing a shot, and had done what damage they could by fire, at the moment of their departure.

“A few minutes before the surrender,” says Pollard, “the scene in and around the fort exhibited a spectacle of fierce grandeur. Many of the cabins in and around the fort were in flames. Added to the scene were the smoke from the burning timber, and the curling but dense wreaths of smoke from the guns; the constantly recurring, spattering, and whizzing of fragments of crashing and bursting shells; the deafening roar of artillery; the black sides of five or six gun-boats, belching fire at every port-hole; the volumes of smoke settled in dense masses along the surrounding back-waters; and up and over that fog, on the heights, the army of General Grant (10,000), deploying around our small army, attempting to cut off its retreat. In the [205] midst of the storm of shot and shell, the small force outside of the fort had succeeded in gaining the upper road, the gun-boats having failed to notice their movements until they were out of reach. To give them further time, the gallant Tilghman, exhausted and begrimed with powder and smoke, stood erect at the middle battery, and pointed gun after gun. It was clear, however, that the fort could not hold out much longer. A white flag was raised by the order of General Tilghman, who remarked, ‘It is vain to fight longer. Our gunners are disabled — our guns dismounted; we can't hold out five minutes longer.’ As soon as the token of submission was hoisted, the gun-boats came alongside the fort and took possession of it, their crews giving three cheers for the Union. General Tilghman and the small garrison of forty were taken prisoners.” 64

The capture of Fort Henry was a naval victory of great importance, not only because of its immediate effect, but because it proved the efficiency of gun-boats on the narrow rivers of the West, in co-operating with land troops. On this account, and because of its promises of greater achievements near, the fall of Fort Henry caused the most profound satisfaction among the loyal people. Halleck announced the fact to McClellan with the stirring words, “Fort Henry is ours! The flag of the Union is re-established on the soil of Tennessee. It will never be removed.” Foote's report, brief and clear, was received and read in both Houses of Congress, in open session; and the Secretary of the Navy wrote to him, “The country appreciates your gallant deeds, and this Department desires to convey to you and your brave associates its profound thanks for the service you have rendered.”

The moral effect of the victory on the Confederates was dismal, and drew forth the most serious complaints against the authorities at Richmond, and especially against Mallory, the so-called “Secretary of the Navy.” Painful apprehensions of future calamities were awakened; for it was felt that, if Fort Donelson should now fall, the Confederate cause in Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri must be ruined. The first great step toward that event had been taken. The National troops were now firmly planted in the rear of Columbus, on the Mississippi, and were only about ten miles by land from the bridge over which was the railway connection between that post and Bowling Green. There was also nothing left to obstruct the passage of gunboats up the Tennessee to the fertile regions of Northern Alabama, and carrying the flag of the Republic far toward the heart of the Confederacy.

Tail-piece — delivery of a sword.

1 See page 84.

2 It included Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Illinois, Arkansas, and that portion of Kentucky lying west of the Cumberland River.

3 This included the State of Kansas, the Indian Territory, west of Arkansas, and the Territories of Nebraska, Colorado, and Dakota.

4 This included the State of Ohio, and the portion of Kentucky lying eastward of the Cumberland River, which had formed a part of Sherman's Department of the Cumberland.

5 See page 79.

6 “In order to remedy this evil,” ran the order, “it is directed that no such person be hereafter permitted to enter the lines of any camp, or of any forces on the march, and that any now within such lines be immediately excluded therefrom.”

7 Letter of General Halleck to General Asboth, December 20, 1861.

8 A name given to certain rangers or guerrilla bands of Kansas and especially those under Colonel Jennison, who was active against the insurgents.

9 The proclamation of the 25th was issued in consequence of the destruction or disability, on the 20th, of about one hundred miles of the Missouri railroad, by some men returned from Price's army, assisted by inhabitants along the line of the road, acting by pre-concert. On the 23d, Halleck issued an order, fixing the penalty of death for that crime, and requiring the towns and counties along the line of any railway thus destroyed, to repair the damages and pay the expenses.

10 During the operations of this forward movement of the National troops, Brigadier-General Price, son of the chief, was captured at Warsaw, together with several officers of the elder Price's staff, and about <*> recruits.

11 See page 510, volume I.

12 Several of these skirmishes were so light, and so unimportant in their bearings upon the great issues, that the narrative of this general history has not been unduly extended by a record of them. Such record belongs to a strictly statistical and military history of the war. During the last fortnight of the month of December, 1861, the Nationals in Missouri captured 2,500 prisoners, including 70 commissioned officers; 1,200 horses and mules; 1,100 stand of arms; 2 tons of powder; 100 wagons, and a large amount of stores and camp equipage.

13 Preparations had been made for organizing an army in Kansas to go through the Indian Territory and a portion of Southwestern Arkansas and so on to New Orleans, to co-operate with the forces that were to sweep down the Mississippi and along its borders. James H. Lane, then a member of the United States Senate, was to command that army. Owing to some difficulties, arising from misapprehension, the expedition was abandoned, and Lane took his seat in the Senate at Washington.

14 See note 2, page 181.

15 Jennison had said to the inhabitants of Lafayette, Cass, Johnson, and Pettis Counties, in Missouri: “For four months our armies have marched through your country. Your professed friendship has been a fraud; your oaths of allegiance have been shams and perjuries. You feed the rebel army, you act as spies while claiming to be true to the Union. . . . . Neutrality is ended. If you are patriots, you must fight; if you are traitors, you must be punished.” . . . . He told them that the rights and property of Union men would be everywhere respected, but “traitors,” he said, “will everywhere be treated as outlaws-enemies of God and men, too base to hold any description of property, and having no rights which loyal men are bound to respect. The last dollar and the last slave of rebels will be taken and turned over to the General Government. Playing war is played out, and whenever Union troops are fired upon the answer will boom from cannon, and desolation will follow.”

16 See chapter XI., volume I.

17 These consisted of the Fifth, Seventh, and Tenth Regular Infantry, under Captains Selden and Wingate, and the volunteer regiments of Colonels Carson and Pine.

18 These were composed of a portion of Roberts's and Colonel Valdez's cavalry; Carson's volunteers; the Fifth, Seventh, and Tenth Regulars, and two batteries, commanded respectively by Captain McRea and Lieutenant Hall.

19 these Rangers who went into the rebellion were described as being, many of them, a desperate set of fellows, having no higher motive than plunder and adventure. They were half savage, and each was mounted on a mustang horse. Each man carried a rifle, a tomahawk, a bowie-knife, a pair of Colt's revolvers, and a lasso for catching and throwing the horses of a flying foe. The above picture is from a sketch by one of Colonel. Canby's subalterns.

20 On the previous morning, in a skirmish with Pyron's Cavalry, Colonel Slough took fifty-seven prisoners, but losing fifteen of his own men. In the fight just recorded, Major Chivington, with four Colorado companies, gained the rear of the Texans, and was inflicting serious injury upon them, when he heard of Slough's defeat, and was compelled to withdraw.

21 At Albuquerque, according to Sibley's report, the brothers Raphael and Manuel Armijo were so warmly interested in the Confederate cause that they placed at his disposal stores valued at $200,000. They fled over the mountains with Sibley. Their generosity and sacrifices so touched his heart, that he expressed a hope that they might not be forgotten by the Confederate Government in the final settlement.

22 See page 179.

23 See page 179.

24 Annual Cyclopaedia for 1862. Article — A. S. Johnston.

25 George W. Johnson, of Scott County, was chosen Governor. The ministers of the Legislative Council were: William B. Machin, John W. Crockett, James P. Bates, James S. Critman, Philander R. Thompson, J. P. Burnside, H. W. Bruce, J. W. Moore, E. M. Bruce, and George B. Hodge.

26 The Commissioners were: Henry C. Burnett, W. E. Simons, and William Preston.

27 These were: Henry C. Burnett, John Thomas, Thomas L. Burnett, S. H. Ford, Thomas B. Johnson, George W. Ewing. Dr. D. V. White, John M. Elliott, Thomas B. Monroe, and George B. Hodge. On the day when these men were chosen by the “Council,” two of them — Henry C. Burnett and Thomas Monroe — were sworn in at Richmond as members of the Confederate Senate. Of such usurpers of the political rights of the people, the “Confederate Congress,” so called, was composed.

28 this is a view of General Buell's Headquarters on Fourth Street, between Green and Walnut streets, in the most aristocratic portion of the city of St. Louis.

29 See page 851, volume I.

30 Report of General Buell to General McClellan, December 18, 1861. General Hindman, in his report on the 19th, said General Terry and three of his regiment were killed, three others slightly wounded, and only six missing. As they left a much larger number dead on the field, Hindman's report must have been incorrect.

31 Garfield, in his report, says that twenty-seven dead insurgents were found on the field the next morning. The Richmond papers reported the battle as a success for the insurgents, in which they lost only nine killed and the same number wounded; while the loss of the Nationals was “from 400 to 500 killed, and about the same number wounded I” Such was the usual character of the reports in the Confederate newspapers, under the eye of the conspirators at Richmond. With the most absurd mendacity, they made the deceived people believe that in every fight the Confederates won a victory over vastly superior numbers, killing, wounding, and capturing the Nationals by hundreds and thousands. These false reports were made on purpose to deceive the people, so as to draw men into the army, and money from the pockets of the dupes of the conspirators.

32 See page 185.

33 The contributions of these States to Buell's army were as follows: Ohio, thirty regiments of infantry, two end a half of cavalry, and eight batteries of artillery; Indiana, twenty-seven regiments of infantry, one and a half regiment of cavalry, and five batteries of artillery; Illinois, three regiments of infantry; Kentucky, twenty-four regiments of infantry, four of cavalry, and two batteries of artillery; Pennsylvania, three regiments of infantry, two of cavalry, and one battery of artillery; Michigan, three regiments of infantry, and one battery of artillery; Wisconsin, three regiments of infantry; Minnesota, two regiments of infantry and one battery of artillery; Tennessee, two regiments of infantry.

34 The line of intrenchments was so extensive that the force was not sufficient to defend it thoroughly. The face of the country was such that there was bad range for artillery. At the same time, the country around the post could not furnish adequate subsistence for the army. At the time in question, the troops were reduced to a single ration of beef and a half ration of corn a day, the latter being parched, and not issued as meal.

35 Correspondence of the Louisville Courier, by an eye-witness, January 25th, 1862.

36 Zollicoffer's Brigade was composed of the Fifteenth Mississippi, and the Tennessee regiments of Colonels Cummings, Battle, and Stanton, marching in the order here named, with four guns commanded by Captain Rutledge, immediately in the rear of the Mississippians. Carroll's troops were composed of the Tennessee regiments of Colonels Newman, Murray, and Powell, with two guns commanded by Captain McClung, marching in the order named. Colonel Wood's Sixteenth Alabama was in reserve. Cavalry battalions in the rear; Colonel Branner on the right, and Colonel McClellan on the left. Independent companies in front of the advance regiments. Following the whole were ambulances, and ammunition and other wagons.

37 References.--the figures 1, 2, 8, 4, 5, and 6, refer to the first and succeeding positions of the Tenth Indiana regiment in the battle; 8, denotes the Second position of the Fourth Kentucky; 9, the Second position of the Second Minnesota; 10, the third position of the same; and 11, the Second position of the Ninth Ohio.

38 Some accounts say that the Ellis was set on fire by the shells of the Nationals, but the preponderance of testimony is in favor of the statement in the text. The Confederates hoped to prevent immediate pursuit by leaving-nothing on which their foe could cross the river.

The Confederates suffered terribly in their retreat. “Since Saturday night,” wrote one of their officers, “we had but an hour of sleep, and scarcely a morsel of food. For a whole week we have been marching under a bare subsistence, and I have at length approached that point in a soldier's career when a handful of parched corn may be considered a first-class dinner. We marched the first few days through a barren region, where supplies could not be obtained. I have more than once seen the men kill a porker with their guns, cut and quarter it, and broil it on the coals, and then eat it without bread or salt. The suffering of the men from the want of the necessaries of life, of clothing, and of repose, has been most intense, and a more melancholy spectacle than this solemn, hungry, and weary procession, could scarcely be imagined.”

39 Zollicoffer was killed by Colonel Fry, of the Fourth Kentucky. That officer, according to his own statement in a letter to his wife, was leading his regiment in a charge upon the Mississippians, when he was mistaken for a Confederate officer by Zollicoffer. The latter rode up to Fry, saying as he pointed toward the Mississippians, “You are not going to fight your friends, are you?” At that instant Zollicoffer's aid, Major Henry M. Fogg, of Nashville, fired at Fry, wounding his horse. Fry turned and fired, killing Zollicoffer, not knowing at the time his person or his rank. He was covered in a white rubber coat, and on the previous evening had his beard shaved off, so as not to be easily recognized. The aid of Zollicoffer was mortally wounded at the same time. Zollicoffer's body was taken to Mumfordsville, and sent by a flag, of truce to General Hindman. It was honored with a funeral salute at the National camp when it was carried over Green River.

40 The army forge is a part of the equipment of a corps of artillery or cavalry in the field, and is portable. It consists of a four-wheeled carriage, with compartments in which a blacksmith's outfit of fuel and implements may be carried, and may be made ready for use in the course of half an hour. The fore and the hind wheels of the carriage may be separated--“unlimbered” --the same as those of a cannon. Attached to the fore wheels are the boxes for supplies and tools, and to the rear wheels the bellows and forge, as seen in the engraving. When needed for use, the anvil is taken out and placed on a block made from any neighboring tree, and the work may be speedily begun.

41 Report of General Thomas to General Buell, dated at Somerset, Kentucky, Jan. 81, 1862; also the reports of his subordinate officers.

42 On leaving the army at Manassas, Beauregard issued a characteristic address to them, telling them he hoped soon to be back among them. “I am anxious,” he said, “that my brave countrymen here in arms, fronting the haughty array and muster of Northern mercenaries, should thoroughly appreciate the exigency.” Alluding to their disquietude because of long inaction, and the disposition to give up, he said it was no time for the men of the Potomac army “to stack their arms, and furl, even for a brief period, the standards they had made glorious by their manhood.”

43 See page 178.

44 These are remarkable rivers. The Tennessee rises in the rugged valleys of Southwestern Virginia, between the Alleghany and Cumberland Mountains, having tributaries coming out of North Carolina and Georgia. It sweeps in an immense curve through Northern Alabama for nearly three hundred miles, from its northeast to its northwest corner, and then entering Tennessee, passes through it in a due north course, when, bending a little near the Kentucky border, it traverses that State in a northwesterly direction, and falls into the Ohio seventy miles above its mouth. It drains an area of forty thousand square miles, and is navigable for small vessels to Knoxville, five hundred miles from its mouth.

The Cumberland River rises on the western slopes of the Cumberland Mountains, in Eastern Kentucky, sweeps around into Middle Tennessee, and turning northward, in a course generally parallel to the Tennessee River, falls into the Ohio. It is navigable for large steamboats two hundred and fifty miles, and for smaller ones, at high water, nearly three hundred miles farther.

45 for an account of other movements in Eastern Kentucky, see chapter III. of this volume.

46 “If Washington was threatened in the one quarter, Louisville was the object of attack on the other. As Fortress Monroe was a great basis of operations at one extremity, furnishing men and arms, so was Cairo on the west; and as the one had a menacing neighbor in Norfolk, so had the other in Columbus. What the line of the Kanawha was to Northern Virginia, penetrating the mountainous region, the Big Sandy, with its tributaries emptying also in the Ohio, was to the defiles of Eastern Kentucky. What Manassas or Richmond was, in one quarter, to the foe, Bowling Green, a great railway center, was to the other. As Virginia was pierced on the east by the James and the Rappahannock and the York, so was Kentucky on the west by the Cumberland and Tennessee; and as the Unionists held Newport News [Newport-Newce], a point of great strategic importance at the mouth of one of these streams, so were they in possession of Paducah, a place of equal or greater advantage, at the entrance to another.” --History of the War for the Union, by E. A. Duyckinck.

47 None of the cannon were less in metal than 32-pounders. Some were 42-pounders; some were nine and ten-inch Navy Columbiads, and the bow guns were rifled 84-pounders.

48 The larger of these vessels were of the proportion of about 175 feet to 50 feet, and drawing, when armed and laden, about five feet of water. They were manned by Western boatmen and Eastern volunteers who had been navigators, commanded by officers of the National navy.

49 Pollard's First Year of the War, page 237.

50 General Smith seems to have been fully instructed by Fremont with the plan of his Mississippi Valley campaign. An officer under Smith's command (General Lewis Wallace), in a letter to the author, says: “One evening General Smith sent for me. At his Headquarters, before a cozy fire, he opened his map on the table, and with fingers now on his map, then twirling his great white moustache, and his gray eyes all the time as bright as the flames in his grate, he painted glowingly the whole Tennessee River campaign. I recollect distinctly his stopping at Corinth, and saying emphatically, ‘Here will be the decisive battle.’ He finished the conversation by saying that the time was come. The troops at Cairo, strongly re-enforced, and those at Paducah would very shortly embark. In the mean time I was to go to Smithland, at the mouth of the Cumberland River, and get the regiments there in condition to march. He handed me an order to that effect, and I executed it.”

51 These were divided into two brigades — the first, under Colonel A. Hieman, was composed of the Tenth Tennessee (his own), consisting of about 800 Irish volunteers, under Lieutenant-Colonel McGavock; Twenty-seventh Alabama, Colonel Hughes; Forty-eighth Tennessee, Colonel Voorhies; Tennessee battalion of cavalry, Lieutenant-Colonel Gantt; and a light battery of four pieces, commanded by Captain Culbertson. The Second Brigade, under Colonel Joseph Drake, of the Fourth Mississippi Regiment, was composed of his own troops under Major Adair; Fifteenth Arkansas, Colonel Gee; Fifty-first Tennessee, Colonel Browder; Alabama battalion, Major Garvin; light battery of three pieces, Captain Clare; Alabama battalion of cavalry; an independent company of horse, under Captain Milner; Captain Padgett's Spy Company, and a detachment of Rangers, commanded by Captain Melton. The heavy artillery manned the guns of the fort, and were in charge of Captain Jesse Taylor.--Report of General Tilghman to Colonel Mackall, Johnston's Assistant Adjutant-General, Feb. 12, 1862.

52 References.--the a's denote the position of twelve 82-pounders; B, a 24-pounder barbette gun; C, a 12-inch Columbiad; D, 24-pounder siege-gun; E E, 12-pounder siege-guns; F, flag-staff; H, draw-bridge; K, well; M, magazine; 0, Ordnance stores; P, Adjutant's quarters; Q, Headquarters; R, officers' quarters.

53 The number of troops — officers and men — under General Grant's command, who were fit for duty at the middle of January, 1862, was 24,608.

54 Grant and his Campaigns, by Henry Coppee, pages 89 and 40.

55 These were the armored gun-boats Cincinnati (flag-ship), Commander Stembel; Carondelet, Commander Walke; Essex, Commander W. D. Porter; and St. Louis, Lieutenant Commanding Paulding; and the wooden gun-boats Lexington, Lieutenant Commanding Shirk; Tyler, Lieutenant Commanding Givin; and Conestoga, Lieutenant Commanding Phelps.

56 Information concerning these had been given by a woman living Rear the banks of the river. The “Jessie scouts,” a daring corps of young men in Grant's army, went into a farm-house wherein a large number of women were gathered for safety. When their fears were allayed, one of the women said that her husband was a soldier in Fort Henry. “By to-morrow night, madam,” said one of the scouts, “there will be no Fort Henry--our gunboats will dispose of it.” --“Not a bit of it,” was the reply; “they will all be blown up before they get past the Island” --meaning Panther Island. The scouts threatened to carry her away a prisoner if she did not tell all she knew about them, when she told them that torpedoes had been planted all along the channels near the island, and gave them directions as to their locations. Acting upon this information, these little floating mines were searched for, and eight of them were found. They were cylinders of sheet iron, five feet and a half long, pointed at each end, each containing, in a canvas bag, seventy-five pounds of gunpowder, with a simple apparatus for exploding it by means of a percussion cap, to be operated upon by means of a lever, extending to the outside, and moved by its striking a vessel. These were anchored in the river, a little below the surface. The rise in the river at this time had made them harmless, and it was found that moisture had ruined the powder.

Torpedo.56

57 explanation.--a, the shell of the torpedo; B, air chamber, made of sheet zinc, and tightly fastened; C, a chamber, or sack containing gunpowder; D, a pistol with the muzzle in the powder, having its trigger connected with the rod E. That rod had prongs, which were designed to strike the bottom of a vessel in motion in such a way that it would operate, by a lever and cord, on the pistol, discharging it in the powder, and so exploding the torpedo under the bow of the vessel. E, F, heavy iron bands, to which the anchors or weights, G, G, were attached. The torpedo was anchored so as to meet a vessel going against the current, the direction of which is indicated by the arrow.

58 This was the First division, and consisted of two brigades, composed of the Eighth, Eleventh, Eighteenth, Twentieth, Twenty-seventh, Twenty-ninth, Thirtieth, Thirty-first, Forty-fifth, and Forty-eighth Illinois Regiments; with one Illinois cavalry regiment, and four independent cavalry companies, and four batteries of artillery.

59 This, the Second division, comprised the Seventh, Ninth, Twelfth, Twenty-eighth, and Forty-first Illinois Regiments, the Eleventh Indiana, the Seventh and Twelfth Iowa, the Eighth and Thirtieth Missouri, with a considerable body of cavalry and artillery.

60 So named in honor of Colonel A. Hieman, of Tilghman's command, who was at the head of a regiment of Irish volunteers. Hieman was a German, and a resident of Nashville. He was an architect, and a man of taste, culture, and fortune.

61 General Lewis Wallace, who commanded one of the brigades that marched upon Fort Hieman, in a letter to the author soon after the affair, said: “The whole march was an exciting one. When we started from our bivouac, no doubt was entertained of our being able to make the five miles, take up position, and be ready for the assault at the appointed hour. Never men worked harder. The guns of the fleet opened while we were yet quite a mile from our objective. Our line of march was nearly parallel with the line of fire to and from the gun-boats. Not more than seven hundred yards separated us from the great shells, in their roaring, fiery passage. Without suffering from their effect, we had the full benefit of their indescribable and terrible noise. several times I heard the shot from the fort crash against the iron sides of the boats. You can imagine the excitement and martial furor the circumstances were calculated to inspire our men with. I was all eagerness to push on with my brigade, but General Smith rode, like the veteran he was, laughing at my impatience, and refusing all my entreaties. He was too good a soldier to divide his column.”

62 Report of Commander Foote to the Secretary of the Navy, February 6, 1862. Commander Stembel and Lieutenant-Commander Phelps were sent to hoist the Union flag over the fort, and to invite General Tilghman on board the commodore's flag-ship. When, an hour later, Grant arrived, the fort and all the spoils of victory were turned over to him. General Tilghman, and Captain Jesse Taylor of Tennessee, who was the commander of the fort, with ten other commissioned officers, with subordinates and privates in the fort, were made prisoners. It was said that the General and some of his officers attempted to escape, but were confronted by sentinels who had been pressed into the service, and who now retaliated by doing their duty strictly. They refused to let them pass the line, such being their orders, and threatened to shoot the first man who should attempt it.

63 The National loss was two killed and thirty-eight wounded, and the Confederates had five killed and ten wounded. Of the Nationals, twenty-nine were wounded and scalded on the gun-boat Essex, Captain W. D. Porter; some of them mortally. This calamity was caused by a 82-pound shot entering the boiler of the Essex. It had passed through the edge of a bow port, through a bulkhead, into the boiler, in which, fortunately, there was only about sixty pounds of steam. In its passage it took off a portion of the head of Lieutenant S. B. Brittain, Jr., one of Porter's aids. He was a son of the Rev. S. B. Brittain, of New York, and a very promising youth, not quite seventeen years of age. He was standing very near Commander Porter at the time, with one hand on that officer's shoulder, and the other on his own cutlass. Captain Porter was badly scalded by the steam that escaped, but recovered. That officer was a son of Commodore David Porter, famous in American annals as the commander of the Essex in the war of 1812; and he inherited his father's bravery and patriotism. The gun-boat placed under his command was named Essex, in honor of his father's memory.

64 First Year of the War, page 288.

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