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[143]

Chapter 5: the Chattanooga campaign.--movements of Sherman's and Burnside's forces.


In returning to Chattanooga, Rosecrans commenced the formidable line of fortifications around that town, under the skillful directions of General James St. Clair Morton, of the engineers, which excited the admiration of all; and within twenty-four hours after the army moved from Rossville, it was strongly intrenched — so strongly that Bragg could not, with safety, make a direct attack upon it. He did not attempt it, but took measures for starving it into a surrender, by cutting off its avenues of supplies.

Bragg found himself in a most unpleasant predicament. Regarding the failure of Polk and Hindman to bring on the battle at an earlier hour on the morning of the 20th1 as the chief cause of his inability to secure a substantial victory, he had them placed under arrest, and thereby caused widespread murmuring, and a mutinous spirit in his army. He was severely censured for not securing that victory himself, by pursuing the fugitives when they moved from the Missionaries' Ridge, and striking them in the open, broken plain, in front of Chattanooga. More aggravating still was a requirement by the authorities at Richmond that he should attempt the impossible feat of moving by his left across the Tennessee River, and advancing on Nashville. So preposterous was this requirement, that he could scarcely conceal his contempt when saying to his superiors, “The suggestion requires notice only because it will find a place in the files of the War Department.” He told them that such a movement was utterly impossible, for want of transportation; that half his army consisted of re-enforcements that had joined him just before the recent battle, without transportation or artillery horses; that a third of his own artillery horses were lost; that he had no means of crossing a wide river liable to be flooded any hour by a rain-storm in the mountains; and that by such movement he would have to abandon all the fruits of his victory on the Chickamauga, and leave exposed vast supplies for the use of the Confederate army.

Bragg did not entertain the proposition from the War Department for a moment, but proceeded at once to the more practicable business of starving the Army of the Cumberland. For this purpose he had now great advantages. By his advance to Lookout Mountain, and its vicinity, when Rosecrans retired to Chattanooga, he gained possession of the left bank of the Tennessee to Bridgeport, by which he commanded the navigation of that stream, and the road along its margin opposite, at the foot of the precipitous mountain ranges that skirt it. He thus cut off Rosecrans from direct communication [144] with his bases of supply at Bridgeport and Stevenson, and compelled him to transport these in wagons from the former place, over the rugged mountains by way of the Saquatchie Valley, fifty or sixty miles, and then across the Tennessee, at Chattanooga, on pontoon bridges. This service was most severe, and its operations were perilous and precarious, for the autumn storms were beginning to howl among the mountains, and small streams were often converted into torrents in the space of an hour. The consequence was that for a time the Army of the Cumberland was on short allowance, and thousands of its horses and mules — not less than ten thousand, it is said — were starved or worked to death in the business of transportation.

While the Army of the Cumberland was thus imprisoned at Chattanooga, a salutary change was wrought in its organization. We have observed that when Halleck was satisfied that Longstreet had gone to Tennessee, he telegraphed to Grant and Sherman, and other commanders in the West, to give all possible aid to Rosecrans.2 Grant was then in New Orleans, disabled by a fall from his horse,3 and Sherman, who represented him at Vicksburg, did not receive the dispatch till several days after it was issued. Hearing nothing from either, and startled by the saddening news from the Chickamauga, Halleck at once, as we have observed,4 detached the Eleventh (Howard's) and Twelfth (Slocum's) corps from the Army of the Potomac, and sent them, under the general command of Hooker, to Middle Tennessee, with orders, until further directed, to guard Rosecrans's communications between Nashville and Bridgeport. These troops were moved with marvelous celerity under the wise direction of General Meigs, the Quartermaster-General, and the skillful management of Colonel D. E. McCallum, the Government Superintendent of railways, and W. Prescott Smith, Master of Transportation on the Baltimore and Ohio road. In the space of eight days, the two corps, twenty thousand strong, marched from the Rapid Anna to Washington, and were thence conveyed through West Virginia, Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, to the Tennessee River.

Halleck determined to hold Chattanooga and East Tennessee at all hazards. For that purpose he ordered the concentration of three armies there, under one commander, and on the 16th of October,

1863.
an order went out from the War Department, saying: “By order of the President of the United States, the Departments of the Ohio [Burnside's], of the Cumberland [Rosecrans's], and of the Tennessee [Grant's], will constitute the Military Division of the Mississippi. Major-General U. S. Grant, United States Army, is placed in command of the Military Division of the Mississippi, with his Headquarters in the field.” By the same order General Rosecrans was relieved of the command of the Army of the Cumberland, and General Thomas was assigned to it. General Sherman was promoted to the command of the Army of the Tennessee. On the 18th,
October.
Grant, then at Louisville, whither he had gone from [145] New Orleans, and was yet suffering from the effects of his accident, assumed the command, and issued his first order. His field of authority comprised three departments and nine States and parts of States, from the Mississippi, between the Gulf and the great Lakes eastward, into the heart of the Appalachian range of mountains. Rosecrans left for Cincinnati on the 19th, after issuing a touching farewell address to his army.

Let us here pause for a moment in the consideration of events in Southeastern Tennessee, to take a glance at military movements in the department commanded by Grant, from the fall of Vicksburg to his promotion just mentioned. We left him at Vicksburg, the winner of the then greatest and most important victory yet achieved by the National troops,5 and the recipient of the highest encomiums from his superiors6 and fellow-citizens, while his paroled prisoners were making their way back to Jackson, then reoccupied by Johnston, and thence into the ranks of the Confederate army, in violation, on the part of the Conspirators at Richmond, of all honor.7

Johnston, as we have observed,8 was still hovering in Grant's rear when Vicksburg was surrendered. Sherman had been pushed out in that direction with a considerable force to keep him back, and had constructed a line of works from the Yazoo, at Haines's Bluff, to the Big Black River. This movement was effectual, and Johnston, as we have seen, was endeavoring to aid Pemberton by co-operative movements farther down the stream,9 when Vicksburg was surrendered. Grant at once sent out to Sherman all that, remained of that officer's and McPherson's corps, to drive Johnston from Jackson and the railway. In the afternoon of the 4th of July

1863.
the re-enforcements were in motion, and when, the next day, they joined Sherman, that leader had about fifty thousand effective men under his command. With these he crossed the Big Black,
July 6.
his right, under Ord, passing at the site of the railway bridge;10 his center, under Steele, at Messenger's Ford, above; and his left, under Parks, still farther up the river.

In sweltering heat and blinding dust — men and horses almost maddened by thirst, where little water might be found on account of a parching drought — the army pressed forward over a country which, by Grant's orders,

May 26.
had been desolated by General Baird for scores of miles around Vicksburg, and pushed Johnston back to Jackson, where he took shelter
July 7.
behind his breastworks and rifle-pits, and from which, with a ludicrous show of faith at such a moment and under such circumstances (which he evidently did not feel), he issued a florid order
July 9.
to his troops, telling them that “an insolent foe, flushed with hope by his recent success at Vicksburg, then confronted them, threatening the homes of the people they were there to protect, with plunder and conquest.” “The enemy,” he said, “it is at once the duty and the mission of you, brave men, to chastise and expel from the soil [146] of Mississippi. The commanding general confidingly relies on you to sustain his pledge, which he makes in advance, and he will be with you in the good work, even unto the end.”

A week later these defenders of threatened homes, and the chastisers of “an insolent foe,” twenty-four thousand strong, were flying over the “soil of Mississippi,” toward the heart of the State, in search of safety from the wrath of the “invaders.” Sherman had invested Jackson on the 10th,

July, 1863.
each flank of his army resting on the Pearl River, that runs hard by, with his cannon planted on the hills around. With a hundred of these he opened upon the doomed city on the 12th, but his scanty supply of ammunition, on account of the tardiness of his trains, would not allow him to continue the attack. In that assault General Lauman, by misapprehension of orders, pressed his troops too near the Confederate works, and in the course of a few minutes he lost five hundred men, by a galling fire from sharp-shooters and twelve cannon charged with grape and canister shot. Two hundred of his men were made prisoners, and with them went the colors of the Twenty-eighth, Forty-first, and Fifty-third Illinois.

Johnston was aware that Sherman's ammunition train was behind, and he hoped to remove a greater portion of his stores before it should come up, satisfied that he could not hold the place against the host then hemming it in. Under cover of a fog, on the morning of the 13th,

July.
he made a sortie, but with no other result than the production of some confusion, and a considerable loss of life on his part. Finally, on the 16th, when he knew that Sherman's ammunition had arrived, he prepared for a speedy departure, and that night
July 16, 17.
he hurried across the Pearl River, burning the bridges behind him, and pushed on through Brandon to Morton.11 Sherman did not pursue in force beyond the former place, his chief object being to drive off the Confederate army and make Vicksburg secure. For this purpose he broke up the railway at intervals for many miles in every direction, and destroyed every thing in Jackson that could be useful to the foe, and more. The place was shamefully sacked by the soldiers;12 and the capital of Mississippi, one of the most beautiful towns, in its public buildings and elegant suburban residences, in all that region, was totally ruined. The business part of the city was laid in ashes, and many of the fine dwellings in the neighborhood, owned by known secessionists, shared the same fate. Among these was the residence of Bishop Green, of the Protestant Episcopal Church, that stood on a beautiful shaded eminence. House, furniture, and fine library of three thousand volumes, were committed to the flames. When the writer visited the spot, in the spring of 1866, nothing remained of it but broken walls, as delineated in the picture on the next page. It was a sad sight. Only the day before he had traveled [147] with the venerable prelate from Vicksburg to Jackson. A hotel near the railway station, kept by a violent rebel known as Dick Edwards, called the “Confederate House,” was a special object of the wrath of the Union soldiers, because, when General Prentiss and his fellow-prisoners were taken to Jackson by railway, after the battle of Shiloh,13 the proprietor refused the famished soldiers food or drink, and the women, who crowded the galleries in front of his house, sent boys to the captives with insulting,

Ruins of Bishop Green's House.

and, in some cases indecent messages. The building was reduced to ashes, and when the writer was there, three years afterward, only a few scattered bricks lying among rank grass marked its site. Another object of their hatred was soon demolished. It was a portion of an old covered bridge over the Pearl River, which had been inclosed and converted into a prison for Union captives. There, over the often turbulent waters, in cold and storm, they had been crowded b and most cruelly treated. Two or three were in it when Sherman's troops took possession of the town. It seems to have been selected by the Confederates as a place to torture and permanently disable their captives in, as was their practice elsewhere, for they had many other places in the city in which to confine prisoners.

Bridge Prison at Jackson.

When Sherman had completed his work of destruction, he fell back by way of Clinton, across the Big Black, toward Vicksburg, followed by a great multitude of negroes, of both sexes and all ages. Most of these were the infirm and children, the able-bodied having been sent farther south by their masters. On Sherman's departure, some Confederate troops in the vicinity re-entered Jackson, and burned Bowman's large hotel, because he had given shelter to wounded National soldiers. By Sherman's operations, Vicksburg was secured from all danger of an immediate attack. Grant proceeded to cast up a line of strong works for its defense,14 and sent out expeditions to other places. [148]

We have observed, that, on the fall of Vicksburg, Grant was about to send General Herron to the aid of Banks, then besieging Port Hudson,15 when he heard of the surrender of that post. Herron had already embarked with his troops, when the order was countermanded, and he was sent

July 12, 1863.
in lighter draft vessels up the Yazoo, for the purpose of capturing a large fleet of steamboats, which had escaped Porter's fleet, and were then lying at Yazoo City. The transports were convoyed by the armored gun-boat, De Kalb, and two of lighter armor, called “tin-clad” vessels, under Captain Walker. When they approached Yazoo City, a small garrison there, of North Carolinians, fled, and the steamboats, twenty-two in number, moved rapidly up the river. The De Kalb pushed on, and, just as she was abreast the town, the explosion of a torpedo under her sunk her. Herron's cavalry were landed, and, pursuing the steamers up the shore, captured and destroyed a greater portion of them. The remainder were sunk or burned, when? soon afterward, Captain Walker went back after the guns of the De Kalb. Herron captured three hundred prisoners, six heavy guns, two hundred and fifty small-arms, eight hundred horses, and two thousand bales of Confederate cotton. After finishing his work at Yazoo City, he started
July 18.
to cross the country to Benton and Canton, in aid of Sherman, when information reached him of Johnston's flight from Jackson. Then he returned to Vicksburg.
July 21.

On the day when Vicksburg was surrendered, there were stirring events at Helena, Arkansas, farther up the Mississippi, which the Confederates hoped would have a salutary bearing upon the fortunes of the garrison of the doomed city below. Helena had been held by National troops as a depot of recruits and supplies for about a year, since Washburne's cavalry of Curtis's army took possession of it;16 and in the summer of 1863 the post was in command of General B. M. Prentiss, whose troops were so sorely smitten at Shiloh.17 The Confederates in Arkansas, under such leaders as Sterling Price, Marmaduke, Parsons, Fagan, McRae, and Walker,. were then under the control of General Holmes, who, at the middle of June, asked and received permission of General Kirby Smith, commander of the Trans-Mississippi Department, to attack Prentiss. He designated Clarendon, on the White River, as the rendezvous of all the available troops under his command, and left Little Rock for that point on the 26th of June. Some of his troops were promptly at the rendezvous, while others, under Price, owing to heavy rains and floods, did not reach there until the 30th.

June.
This delay baffled his plans for surprise, for Prentiss had been apprised of his movement and was prepared for his reception.

The post of Helena was strongly fortified, and behind the earth-works and heavy guns and the abatis in front of them, was a garrison of three thousand eight hundred men. The gun-boat Tyler, Lieutenant-commanding [149] Pritchett, was lying there, ready to give support. The main work, near the town, was called Fort Curtis. The exterior defenses, on bluffs a mile in rear of the town, were under the immediate command of General F. Salomons, at whose suggestion they had been constructed.18

Holmes's entire force — the remnants of armies decimated by the war — was less than eight thousand effective men. He was ignorant of Prentiss's real strength, and when, on the 3d of July,

1863.
he and his army were within four miles of Helena, they were marching to certain defeat and humiliation. They advanced at midnight, and took position within a mile of the outer works;
July 4.
and at daylight moved to the assault in three columns: Price, with the brigades of Parsons and McRae, over three thousand strong, to attack a battery on Graveyard Hill; Fagan, with four regiments of infantry, to assail another on Hindman's Hill; and Marmaduke, with seventeen hundred and fifty men, to storm a work on Righton's Hill.

Price was accompanied by Harris Flanagan, the Confederate Governor of Arkansas, as volunteer aid-de-camp. His troops, under cover of artillery firing, moved up gallantly to the attack, in the face of a heavy storm of bullets, and grape and canister shot, captured some of the guns, and turned them upon the Nationals. But these were useless, owing to a lack of matches, or friction tubes. Then, with a wild shout, they charged down the hill upon Fort Curtis, six hundred yards distant, exposed to a terribly galling fire from the other batteries, and especially from the Tyler. So fearfully were they smitten, that one-third of them were lost.19

Fagan, meanwhile, under the immediate direction of Holmes, had attacked the battery on Hindman's Hill with his little force. He left his artillery at the first obstructions, and with his infantry rushed up ravines and steep acclivities and over abatis, driving the National sharp-shooters from their rifle-pits, and pushing on to carry the battery by assault. The assailants fought desperately but uselessly, and suffered fearful loss. Toward noon Holmes ordered a retreat, to save this little force from utter destruction. Marmaduke, at the same time, was attempting to take the battery on Righton's Hill, but failed on account of a heavy fire from artillery and musketry from behind the levee, and a lack of co-operation on the part of some cavalry. At three o'clock in the afternoon the assailants were repulsed at all points and withdrew, with a loss, reported by Holmes, of twenty per cent. of his entire force.20 Holmes hastily retreated with his shattered army, and thence-forth Confederate soldiers never molested Helena. There was quiet for some time along the eastern borders of the Mississippi, likewise, for the attention and the material forces of both parties were drawn toward Chattanooga, [150] where a decisive conflict was impending. Let us return to a consideration of events there.

It was evident that the Army of the Cumberland could not long exist a prisoner in Chattanooga, its supplies depending on such precarious avenues of reception as the mountain roads, and the transportation animals so rapidly diminishing. General Thomas had nobly responded to Grant's electrograph from Louisville,

October 19, 1863.
“Hold Chattanooga at all hazards,” saying, “I will hold the town until we starve;” yet it was not prudent to risk such disaster by inaction, for already Bragg's cavalry had been raiding over the region north of the Tennessee River, destroying supplies, and threatening a total obstruction of all communications between Chattanooga and Middle Tennessee. On the 30th of September, a greater portion of Bragg's horsemen (the brigades of Wharton, Martin, Davidson, and Anderson), about four thousand strong, under Wheeler, his chief of cavalry, crossed the Tennessee, between Chattanooga and Bridgeport, pushed up the Sequatchie Valley, fell upon a National supply-train
Oct. 2.
of nearly one thousand wagons on its way to Chattanooga, near Anderson's cross-roads, and burned it before two regiments of cavalry, under Colonel Edward M. McCook, which had been sent from Bridgeport in pursuit, could overtake them. Wheeler's destructive work was just finished when McCook came up and attacked him. The struggle lasted until night, when Wheeler, who had been worsted in the fight, moved off in the darkness over the mountains, and fell upon another supply-train of wagons and railway cars at McMinnville. These were captured, together with six hundred men; and then a large quantity of supplies were destroyed. There, after the mischief was done, he was overtaken by General George Crook,
Oct. 4.
with two thousand cavalry, and his rear-guard, as he fled toward Murfreesboroa, was charged with great spirit by the Second Kentucky Regiment of Crook's cavalry, under Colonel Long. Wheeler's force greatly outnumbered Long. They dismounted, and fought till dark, when they sprang upon their horses and pushed for Murfreesboroa, hoping to seize and hold that important point in Rosecrans's communications. It was too strongly guarded to be quickly taken, and as Wheeler had a relentless pursuer, he pushed on southward to Warren and Shelbyville, burning bridges behind him, damaging the railway, capturing trains and destroying stores, and crossing Duck River pressed on to Farmington. There Crook struck him again, cut his force in two, captured four of his guns and a thousand small-arms, took two hundred of his men, beside his wounded, prisoners, and drove him in confusion in the direction of Pulaski, on the railway running north from Decatur. Wheeler's shattered columns reached Pulaski that night, and made their way as speedily as possible into Northern Alabama. He crossed the Tennessee near the mouth of Elk River, losing two guns and seventy men in the passage, and made his way back to Bragg's lines, after a loss of about two thousand men. He had captured nearly as many as that, and destroyed National property to the amount of, probably, three million dollars in value. When Roddy, who had crossed the Tennessee at the mouth of Gunter's Creek, and moved menacingly toward Decherd, heard of Wheeler's troubles, and his flight back to the army, he retreated, also, without doing much mischief. [151]

When Grant arrived at Chattanooga,

October 23, 1863.
he found General Thomas alive to the importance of immediately securing a safe and speedy way to that post for supplies for the Army of the Cumberland. It could not exist there ten days longer, unless food and forage could be more speedily and bountifully furnished. In concert with General W. F. Smith, who had been appointed Chief Engineer of the army, he had been making preparations for the immediate concentration of Hooker's corps at Bridgeport, with the view of opening the river and main wagon road from that point

Grant's Headquarters at Chattanooga.21

to Brown's Ferry on the Tennessee, by which supplies might be taken to Chattanooga across the peninsula known as Moccasin Point,22 and thus avoid the Confederate batteries and sharp-shooters at Lookout Mountain altogether. Grant approved Thomas's plan, and ordered its execution. It was that Hooker should cross the river at Bridgeport with all the force at his command, and, pushing on to Wauhatchie, in Lookout Valley, threaten Bragg with a flank attack. General Palmer was to march his division down the north side of the Tennessee to a point opposite Whitesides, where he was to cross the river and hold the road passed o ver by Hooker. General Smith was to go down the river from Chattanooga, under cover of darkness, with about four thousand troops, some in batteaux, and some on foot along the north side and make a lodgment on the south bank of the stream at Brown's Ferry, and seize the range of hills at the mouth of Lookout Valley, which command ed the Kelly's Ferry road.

The movements of Hooker and Palmer might be made openly, but Smith's could only be performed in secret. Hooker crossed at Bridgeport on pontoon bridges on the morning of the 26th

October.
without opposition,23 and pushed on to Wauhatchie, which he reached on the 28th; and on the nights of the 26th and 27th, Smith successfully performed his part of the plan. Eighteen hundred of his troops, under General Hazen, were embarked at Chattanooga on batteaux, intended to be used in the construction of a pontoon bridge, and at two o'clock in the morning they floated noiselessly, without oars, close under the banks past the point of Lookout Mountain, along a line of Confederate pickets seven miles in length, without being discovered, and arrived at Brown's Ferry just at [152] dawn.24 They landed quickly on the south side, captured the pickets there, and seized a low range of hills, about half a mile in length, which commanded Lookout Valley. The remainder of Smith's force, twelve hundred strong, under General Turchin, had, meanwhile, moved down the north bank of the stream, across Moccasin Point, and reached the ferry before daylight. They were ferried across, and by ten o'clock in the morning a pontoon bridge was laid there. Before the bewildered Confederates could fairly comprehend what had happened, a hundred axes had laid an abatis in front of Hazen's troops; and the foe, after an ineffectual attempt to dislodge the intruders, withdrew up the valley toward Chattanooga. Before night the left of Hooker's line rested on Smith's at the pontoon bridge, and Palmer had crossed to Whitesides, in his rear. By these operations the railway from Bridgeport, well up toward Chattanooga, was put in possession of the Nationals, and the route for supplies for the troops at Chattanooga was reduced by land from sixty to twenty-eight miles, along a safe road, or by using the river to Kelly's Ferry, to eight miles. “This daring surprise in the Lookout Valley on the nights of the 26th and 27th,” said a Confederate newspaper in Richmond, “has deprived us of the fruits of Chickamauga.”

We have observed that Hooker reached Wauhatchie on the 28th. He left a regiment at the bridge-head where he crossed, and to hold the passes leading to it through Raccoon Mountain, along the base of which his route lay to Running Waters. He met no opposition the first day, excepting from retiring pickets. Leaving guards for the protection of the road over which he was passing, he followed the course of Running Waters, and on the morning of the 27th his main army descended through a gorge into Lookout Valley, between the Raccoon and Lookout mountains, which has an average width of about two miles, and is divided in its center by a series of five or six steep, wooded hills, from two hundred to three hundred feet in height. Between these and Lookout Mountain flows Lookout Creek. The Confederates had possession of these hills, and also of the lofty crest of Lookout Mountain, on which they had planted batteries. From these and the heights of Raccoon Mountain, Bragg could look down upon his foes and almost accurately number them. In that valley, and occupying three ridges near its mouth, toward Brown's Ferry, was a part of Longstreet's troops, and these were the ones we have just mentioned as having been encountered by Hazen.

As Hooker pushed on toward Brown's Ferry, Howard in advance, the latter was sharply assailed by musketeers on the wooded hills where the railway passes through them, near Wauhatchie. These were quickly dislodged. They fled across Lookout Creek, burning the railway bridge behind them. In this encounter Howard lost a few men, and others were killed by shells hurled upon Hooker's column from the batteries on Lookout Mountain. At six o'clock the advance halted for the night within a mile or so of Brown's Ferry, and, as we have observed, touched Smith's troops. Being [153] anxious to hold the road leading from the Lookout Valley to Kelly's Ferry, through a gorge of the Raccoon Mountain, General Geary, with his small force, was ordered to encamp at Wauhatchie, the junction of the Memphis and Charleston, and Trenton railways, three miles from Howard's position, with a very thin line of pickets connecting them.

From the hour when he entered the valley, Hooker's movements had been keenly watched by McLaws's division of Longstreet's corps, then holding Lookout Mountain, with a determination to fall upon and crush the Nationals at some favorable moment. McLaws did not feel strong enough to fight Hooker's full force in open daylight, so he descended stealthily and swiftly at

John W. Geary.

midnight
Oct. 28, 29, 1863.
upon Geary's weak force, lying at Wauhatchie, not doubting his ability to capture and destroy it, and then to burn Hooker's train of supplies and seize the remainder of his army in that rough, wooded country, from which escape would be difficult. With wild screams his troops swept down from the hills, drove in Geary's pickets, and charged furiously upon his camp on three sides, while the batteries upon Lookout Mountain sent down their shells in fearful lines upon the aroused camp. But McLaws had not surprised Geary. That vigilant officer, like all the others of Hooker's little army, knew that a strong and wary foe was hovering over their heads and lurking among the hills on every side, with a determination to prevent, at all hazards, the establishment by the Nationals of a short and safe route for supplies between Bridgeport and Chattanooga, for that result once accomplished, that post and its advantages would be lost to the Confederates. Geary's vigilance was therefore sleepless, and he was prepared for the assault, which came at about one o'clock in the morning.
October 29.
He met the assailants with a steady, deadly fire, and made them recoil. The rattle of musketry and the booming of cannon, borne on the midnight air, aroused Hooker, who sent General Schurz's division of Howard's corps to Geary's aid. General Tyndale's brigade first reached the battle-field, where Geary was fighting gallantly and keeping his assailants at bay.25 He drove the Confederates from a hill to the left of Geary's camp, while a thin brigade of General Steinwehr's division, led by Colonel Orlan Smith, of the Seventy-third Ohio, charged up a steep and rugged acclivity behind Schurz's division, drove a force three times the number of the Nationals from its crest, took some of them prisoners, and scattered the remainder in every direction.26 “No [154] troops,” said Hooker, in his report of the battle, “ever rendered more brilliant service.” 27 For three hours the struggle continued, when the assailants. fled, leaving one hundred and fifty of their number dead on Geary's front, also over one hundred prisoners and several hundred small-arms. Thus, at a little past four o'clock in the morning, ended the battle of Wauhatchie.28 Its most practical result was the security of a safe communication for the Nationals between Bridgeport and Chattanooga, already obtained by Smith forty-eight hours before, and the defeat of Bragg's plans for starving the Army of the Cumberland into surrender. A little steamboat, named the Chattanooga, which had been built at Bridgeport by the soldiers,29 was immediately loaded with two hundred thousand rations, and started up. the river. It ran the blockade of Lookout Mountain to Brown's Ferry, and thus the army at Chattanooga was saved from actual famine. Bragg was then in no condition for aggressive movements against the Nationals, for he had weakened his army by sending Longstreet, with a greater portion of his command, against Burnside, in East Tennessee, and was compelled to content himself with

The Chattanooga.

simply holding his very strong position on the northern acclivities of Lookout Mountain and across the narrow Chattanooga Valley, near the mouth of Chattanooga Creek, and so along the crests of the Missionaries' [155] Ridge to the tunnel of the Knoxville and Chattanooga railway, not far from the Chickamauga River. While the two armies are thus confronting each other, with a space of only three or four miles between them at furthest, let us see what was going on between Burnside and Longstreet in the great Valley of East Tennessee.

We have observed how little difficulty Burnside encountered in throwing his army into the Valley of East Tennessee, and taking position at Knoxville. It was because the Confederates were then moving to re-enforce Bragg at Chattanooga. Halleck ordered Burnside to concentrate his forces in that direction, but circumstances prevented his strict obedience, so he set about the task of keeping the valley clear of armed and organized Confederates, who were threatening it at different points. In this business his forces were, for awhile, considerably diffused, and had many lively experiences. Colonel Foster encountered

Sept. 21, 1863.
a considerable force near Bristol, on the eastern border of the State; and a little later there was a smart but desultory engagement during two days at Blue Springs, not far from Bull's Gap. To that point the Confederates had pressed down. Burnside then had a cavalry brigade at Bull's Gap, supported by a small force of infantry at Morristown. He dispatched
Oct. 10.
a body of horsemen, by way of Rogersville, to intercept the retreat of the Confederates, and advanced with infantry and artillery to Bull's Gap. Cavalry were then thrown forward to Blue Springs,
Oct. 10.
where the Confederates, under General Sam. Jones, were in considerable force. After a desultory fight for about twenty-four hours,
Oct. 10, 11.
the Confederates broke and fled, leaving their dead on the field. They were pursued and struck from time to time by General Shackleford and his cavalry, and driven out of the State. The latter captured a fort at Zollicoffer, burned the long bridge at that place and five other bridges, destroyed a, large amount of rolling stock on the railway, and did not halt until he had penetrated Virginia ten miles beyond Bristol. In the battle of Bluer Springs, and the pursuit, the Nationals lost about one hundred men in killed and wounded. The loss of the Confederates was a little greater.

When Shackleford returned from the chase, he took post at Jonesboroa with a part of his command, while another portion, under Wilcox, encamped at Greenville, and two regiments and a battery under Colonel Garrard of the Seventh Ohio Cavalry, were posted at Rogersville. There, at daybreak on the 6th of November, Garrard was attacked by a portion of Sam. Jones's, troops, under General W. E. Jones, almost two thousand strong. It was a surprise. The Nationals were routed, with a loss of seven hundred and fifty men, four guns, and thirty-six wagons. This disaster created great alarm at, Jonesboroa and Greenville, and Shackleford's troops at those places fled back in great haste to Bull's Gap. At the same time, Jones's troops, not doubting Shackleford's horsemen would be after them in heavy force, were flying as swiftly toward the Virginia line, in the opposite direction. In a short space of time there was a wide space of country between the belligerents.

While Burnside was thus engaged in spreading his army so as to cover many points southward of the Holston and Tennessee rivers, Longstreet was ordered to make his way up the line of the East Tennessee and Georgia railway, to seize Knoxville, and drive the Nationals out of East Tennessee. [156] He advanced swiftly and secretly, and on the 20th of October he struck a startling blow at the outpost of Philadelphia, on the railway southwest from Loudon, then in command of Colonel Wolford with about two thousand horsemen, consisting of the First, Eleventh, and Twelfth Kentucky Cavalry, and Forty-fifth Ohio Mounted Infantry. Wolford had just weakened his force at that point, by sending two regiments to protect his trains moving to his right, which, it was reported, were in danger; and, while in that condition, he was assailed on front and flank by about seven thousand Confederates. He fought this overwhelming force gallantly for several hours, hoping the sound of cannon would bring him aid from Loudon. But none came, and he cut his way out with a desperate struggle, losing his battery and over thirty wagons. He lost very few men, and took with him over fifty of the Confederates as prisoners. The detachment he had sent out (First and Eleventh Kentucky), under Major Graham, to protect his trains four miles distant, found them in possession of Longstreet's vanguard. Graham instantly recaptured them, drove the Confederates some distance, and made a number of them prisoners. He was, in turn, attacked by a greatly superior force, and, in a running fight toward Loudon, to which Wolford fled, lost heavily.30

When Burnside heard of the disaster southward of Loudon, he hastened to Lenoir Station, on the railway, where the Ninth Army Corps was encamped, and took command of the troops in person, having received from General Grant a notice of Longstreet's approach, and an order for him to fall back, lure the Confederates toward Knoxville, intrench there, and hold the place to the last extremity. Grant saw with satisfaction the blunder of Bragg, in detaching Longstreet to fight Burnside, and he resolved to assail the Confederates on the Missionaries' Ridge immediately, and in the event of success, to send a sufficient force to assist the troops at Knoxville, and possibly to capture Longstreet and his command. With this view he had bidden Burnside to hold on to Knoxville with a firm grasp, as long as possible, until he should receive succor in some form.

Longstreet, meanwhile, was pressing rapidly forward. By a forced march he struck the Tennessee River at Hough's Ferry, a few miles below Loudon, crossed it on a pontoon bridge there, and pressed on toward the right flank of Burnside, at Lenoir Station. At the same time Wheeler and Forrest were dispatched, with cavalry, by way of Marysville, across Little River, to seize the heights on the south side of the Holston, which commanded Knoxville, the grand objective of Longstreet — the key to East Tennessee. Perceiving the danger threatened by this flank movement, and in obedience to his instructions, Burnside sent out a force on the Loudon road, under General Ferrero, to watch and check the foe, and secure the National trains, and, at the same time, ordered the whole force to fall back as rapidly as possible to Knoxville. A portion of the Ninth Corps, under General Hartranft, was advanced to Campbellville Station, at the junction of the Lenoir and Kingston roads, about sixteen miles from Knoxville, and there the whole force was rapidly concentrated. And there it was so closely pressed, that Burnside [157] found it necessary to abandon his trains or fight. He chose the latter alternative, and taking a good position, with his batteries well posted, he turned upon his pursuer,

Nov. 6, 1863.
and gave him a stunning blow. A conflict ensued, which lasted several hours, during which Burnside's trains moved rapidly forward. The battle ceased at twilight, ending in a repulse of Longstreet, and a loss to the Nationals of about three hundred men.31 The Confederate loss was about three hundred and seventy.

Taking advantage of this check, Burnside moved on to the shelter of his. intrenchments at Knoxville, the chief of which was an unfinished work on a. hill commanding the southwestern approaches to the town, and afterward called Fort Sanders. Longstreet followed as rapidly as possible. Wheeler and Forrest had failed to seize the height on which works had been thrown up on the south side of the Holston, owing to the gallant bearing of some. of the troops of General W. P. Sanders, of Kentucky, who was in immediate command at Knoxville.32 Equally gallant was the reception of the same force, which dashed up in advance of Longstreet, and attacked the outposts there, on the 16th of November.

1863.
The main body of the Confederates were then near, and, on the morning of the 18th, Longstreet opened some guns on the National works, sharply attacked Sanders's advanced right, composed of four regiments,33 who offered determined resistance, drove them from the ridge they occupied, and making his Headquarters at the fine mansion of R. H. Armstrong, near the bank of the Holston, less than a

Longstreet's Headquarters.

mile from Fort Sanders, planted batteries a little in advance of it. In the attack on Sanders's right, that leader was killed,34 and the National loss, [158] beside, was about one hundred.35 Longstreet now nearly invested Knoxville, and began a close siege. Wheeler, Forrest, and Pegram were sent to cut off Burnside's supplies and line of retreat.

While Longstreet was pressing the siege of Knoxville, stirring events occurred in the vicinity of Chattanooga, which had an important bearing upon the Confederate cause in East Tennessee. Grant, as we have observed, intended to attack Bragg immediately after Longstreet left him, so as to relieve Burnside, but such was the condition of his army — not yet supplied with food and munitions of war, his artillery horses mostly broken down, and few others remaining fit for active cavalry service — that he was constrained to wait for the arrival of Sherman with the most of the Fifteenth Army Corps, then on the-line of the Memphis and Charleston railway, eastward of Corinth, repairing the road as' they moved toward Stevenson. They were there in obedience to an order of General Grant, on the 22d of September, then at Vicksburg, to proceed immediately to the help of Rosecrans at Chattanooga. Sherman's corps was then lying in camp along the line of the Big Black River.36 He was first directed to send only one division; and on the same afternoon Osterhaus was moving to Vicksburg, there to embark for Memphis. On the following day

Sept. 22, 1863.
Sherman was ordered by Grant to the same destination, with the remainder of his corps. Tuttle's division was left behind, with orders to report to General McPherson; and a division of the corps of the latter, under General J. E. Smith, already on the way to Memphis, was placed under Sherman's command.

The water was low in the Mississippi, and the vessels bearing the last of Sherman's troops did not reach Memphis until the 3d of October. There he received instructions from Halleck to conduct his troops eastward, substantially along the line of the Memphis and Charleston railway, to Athens, in Alabama, and then report by letter to General Rosecrans, at Chattanooga. The troops were moved forward, and on Sunday, the 11th,

October.
Sherman left Memphis for Corinth, in the cars, with a battalion of the Thirteenth Regulars as an escort. When, at noon, he reached the Colliersville Station, he found a lively time there. About three thousand Confederate cavalry, with eight guns, under General Chalmers, had just attacked the Sixty-sixth Indiana (Colonel D. C. Anthony), stationed there. Osterhaus had already pushed on to the front of Corinth, and had aroused to activity the Confederates in that region. This attack was one of the first fruits. With his escort Sherman helped beat off the assailants, and then, moving on, reached Corinth that night. [159]

Sherman's troops engaged in repairing the road were continually annoyed by Confederate cavalry under General S. D. Lee, whose force, about five thousand strong, was composed of the brigades of Roddy and Ferguson. With these, Osterhaus's division, supported by M. L. Smith's (J. E. Smith's covering the working parties), was constantly skirmishing. Finally, Lee attempted, near Tuscumbia, to dispute the further advance of the Nationals, when General Frank Blair took the advance divisions and soon swept away the opposing force.

October 27, 1863.
On that day Sherman received a dispatch from Grant, then at Chattanooga, who, fearing the Confederates, reported to be gathering in force at Cleveland on his left, might break through his lines and make a dash on Nashville, ordered Sherman to drop all work on the railway and move with his entire force to Stevenson. He assured Sherman that in the event of the Confederates moving on Nashville, his forces were “the only ones at command that could beat them there.” 37

Fortunately, Sherman's forethought had caused a supply of means, at this critical moment, for his army to cross the Tennessee River, a movement which the general had expected to be very difficult, with the Confederates in strong force hovering around him. He had requested Admiral Porter to send up gun-boats from Cairo, to assist him in that perilous task. He did so, and on the day when, in obedience to Grant's call, Sherman marched to Eastport, on the river, he found two gun-boats there. Three other vessels soon arrived, and on the 1st of November he crossed and pushed on eastward, Blair covering his rear. He went by way of Fayetteville, Winchester, and Decherd, in Tennessee, and then down to Stevenson and Bridgeport, arriving at the latter place on the 14th.

November.
On the following day he reported to Grant at Chattanooga, in person.

Grant had been somewhat anxious about Burnside's situation, for he could not send him aid when Longstreet advanced, though strongly importuned to do so, especially by Halleck, who deplored the danger of losing Knoxville, and with it East Tennessee. But Grant had plans for relief, which he could not communicate to the General-in-Chief, but which were perfectly satisfactory to Mr. Dana, the Assistant Secretary of War, then at Headquarters in Chattanooga. If, as Grant believed he could, Burnside should hold out at Knoxville until Sherman's approaching re-enforcements should arrive, he felt certain that a double victory might be obtained, for he could then scatter the forces of Bragg on the Missionaries' Ridge, and by such blow possibly so demoralize and weaken Longstreet's force as to compel him to raise the siege of Knoxville. He sent Colonel Wilson, of his staff, accompanied by Mr. Dana, to Knoxville, to communicate his plans to Burnside, and immediately after Sherman's arrival he proceeded to put them into execution. The two leaders proceeded, together with General Smith, in a personal reconnoissance of Bragg's position, and a plan of attack was speedily perfected.

Grant's first movement was to deceive Bragg into the belief that he was to be attacked in heavy force on his left. For this purpose Sherman's troops were put in motion at Bridgeport. Ewing's division moved to Shellmound, [160] and thence over the mountains toward Trenton, some distance up the Lookout Valley, to menace Bragg's left front, while the remainder of Sherman's force, excepting Osterhaus's division, moved up quickly and secretly to Brown's Ferry, crossed the river there on Smith's pontoon bridge, and marched round behind Chattanooga toward Grant's left, thereby giving Bragg the impression that they were more likely to be moving to the relief of Burnside than to attack his extreme right. The latter was the real movement intended. These troops, as we shall observe presently, crossed the Tennessee to Chattanooga, and at a proper time took position on Thomas's left.

Ewing's troops were stealthily withdrawn from near Trenton, and ordered to follow the others of the corps to the extreme left of the Union Army, leaving only Hooker, with the addition of Osterhaus's division, on Bragg's left. The latter had been prevented from crossing the river at Brown's Ferry, on account of the breaking of the pontoon bridge by drift-wood, and was ordered to join Hooker.

On account of bad roads, caused by heavy rains, Ewing's march was more tardy than was contemplated, and he did not reach his assigned position until the 23d, instead of on the 21st, when Grant expected to make his attack. The latter was impatient, for he knew that Burnside was in peril; and by a note from Bragg on the 20th,38 and the report of a Confederate deserter on the 22d, he was impressed with a belief that his adversary was preparing to fly southward. Bragg was simply repeating the trick he so successfully played upon Rosecrans, to draw Grant into action prematurely, before his re-enforcements should arrive. It succeeded in a degree, for before Sherman's troops had crossed the river, he ordered

Nov. 23, 1863.
Thomas to move the center forward to find out what was going on behind the strong line of Confederate pickets in front of Chattanooga. The fact was, Bragg, instead of preparing to retreat, was making dispositions for a formidable resistance to the impending attack.

In the arrangement for the attack on the 21st, Hooker was to assail Bragg's left on Lookout Mountain. This movement was suspended, and Howard's corps was called to Chattanooga and temporarily attached to Thomas's command. The Fifteenth Army Corps (Sherman's) was now under the command of General Blair, with orders to take position on the extreme left, near the mouth of the West Chickamauga River. They had with them on their march up the north side of the Tennessee, a concealed train of one hundred and sixteen pontoon boats, wherewith to construct a bridge for passing over; and on the afternoon of the 23d, when Thomas moved out, they were at the crossing point.

When Thomas moved, the heavy guns of Fort Wood, at Chattanooga, were playing upon the Missionaries' Ridge and Orchard Knob,39 the latter a much lower hill considerably in front of the former. The column [161] moved in close and admirable order, the division of General T. J. Wood, of Granger's (Fourth) corps, leading, on the left, and advancing almost to Citico Creek, and Sheridan's on the right. Palmer, of the Fourteenth Corps, supported Granger's right, with Baird's division refused, while Johnston's division remained in the intrenchments, under arms, and Howard's corps was in reserve, both ready to move to any required point. Grant, Thomas, Granger, and Howard, stood upon the ramparts of Fort Wood, watching the advance, and were speedily gratified by hearing shouts of victory from the lips of the patriot soldiers, and seeing the foe flying in confusion. Steadily but swiftly the Nationals had moved toward Orchard Knob, like a

The mission Aries' Ridge.

deep torrent, driving every thing before them, and by a vigorous charge carrying the rifle-pits on that eminence and taking two hundred prisoners.40 The movement was so quick and vigorous, that Bragg had not time to throw forward supports before it was too late. Wood immediately intrenched. Howard moved up and took position on his left, and Bridges's (Illinois) battery was placed in position on the crest of Orchard Knob, which was thus secured. That evening Bragg was satisfied that he had been. almost fatally out-generaled.

It was now important to get Sherman's army over the river without being discovered. To attract the chief attention of the Confederates to another quarter, Hooker was ordered to attack them on the northern face of Lookout Mountain.41 He was under arms and ready for the movement at [162] four o'clock the next morning, when he found that the recent heavy rains had. damaged his pontoon bridge at the mouth of Lookout Creek, and the stream was not fordable. He at once ordered Geary to march to Wauhatchie, supported by Cruft, cross the creek there, and hold the right bank of the stream, while the rest of the troops should build temporary bridges nearly in front of the detachment. Fortunately for the Nationals, a heavy mist lay upon the country that morning, and while the vigilant eyes on Lookout Mountain above were watching the bridge-builders, as the mist drifted now and then in the breeze, they did not observe Geary's movement. He crossed the creek at eight o'clock, seized a whole picket guard there, of forty-two men, and extended his line to the right to the foot of the mountain, facing northward. Hooker now advanced Gross's brigade, which seized the bridge just below the railway crossing, and pushed over the stream. Osterhaus's division, which, as we have seen, had been left at Brown's Ferry, now came up, and Wood's brigade was pressed to a point half a mile above Gross, where it laid a temporary bridge and crossed. The two batteries, meanwhile, had been well planted on little hills near, and by eleven o'clock Hooker was at work, with a determination to assail the Confederates and drive them from Lookout Mountain--“an enterprise,” he said, under the circumstances, “worthy the ambition and renown of the troops to whom it was intrusted.” 42 His adversary in immediate command before him, was General Walthall.

Hooker's guns all opened at once on the breastworks and rifle-pits along the steep, wooded, and broken slopes of the mountain, with a destructive enfilading fire. Wood and Gross having completed their bridges, dashed across the creek under cover of this fire, and joining Geary on his left, pushed swiftly and vigorously down the valley, sweeping every thing before them, capturing the men in the rifle-pits, and allowing very few to escape up the mountain. At the same time the troops scaling the rugged sides from the

Slope of Lookout Mountain.43

valley, pushed on over bowlders and ledges, rocky crests and tangled ravines, [163] cutting their way through the felled trees with which the mountain-side had been covered, under the very muzzles of the Confederate cannon, driving the foe from his camp in the hollow or plateau well up toward the crest, and forcing him around the arable belt toward the Chattanooga Valley. In this work, Cobham's brigade, posted on high ground, did effective service, by pouring destructive volleys from above and behind the Confederates, while Freeland's brigade was rolling them up on the flank. Both were supported, closely and warmly, by the brigades of Whittaker and Creighton.

Not knowing to what extent the Confederates might be re-enforced, and fearing a fatal entanglement and disordering of his troops in the mountain, Hooker now directed them to halt. But they could not be restrained. Inspired by their success they pushed on, and notwithstanding their adversaries had been re-enforced, they continued to be irresistible. Two of Osterhaus's regiments, meanwhile, had been sent forward on the Chattanooga road, near the base of the mountain, and the remainder of his division joined Geary. After a little more struggle the plateau was cleared, and from near Craven's house, where the Confederates made their last stand, they were seen flying pell-mell, in utter confusion, down the precipices, ravines, and rugged slopes, toward the Chattanooga Valley. During all the struggle, a battery planted on a little wooded hill on Moccasin Point, under Captain Naylor, had been doing excellent service. It actually dismounted one of the guns in the Confederate battery on the top of Lookout Mountain, nearly fifteen hundred feet above it.

It was now about two o'clock in the afternoon. The mountain was completely enveloped in a dense cloud — so dense as to make further movements perilous, if not impossible. All the morning, while the struggle was going

View of Lookout Mountain and Valley from Chattanooga.44

on, the mountain was hooded with vapor that went up from the valley, and it was only at intervals, when it broke away, that glimpses of the lines and banners of the Nationals might be caught by straining eyes at Chattanooga [164] and Orchard Knob, where ears, filled with the thunders of battle high in air, were making all hearts anxious. Hooker had been literally fighting in the clouds, and gaining a substantial victory, while all below was doubt and painful suspense. He established his line firmly on the eastern face of the mountain, his right resting on the palisades at the summit, and his left near the mouth of Chattanooga Creek, completely commanding, by an enfilading fire, the line of the Confederate defenses, stretching across the Chattanooga Valley to the Missionaries' Ridge. Communication with Chattanooga was established toward evening, and at sunset General Carlin, with his brigade, joined Hooker, and was placed on his right, to relieve the troops of Geary, exhausted by hours of climbing and fighting. During the night the right was attacked, but the assailants were gallantly repulsed. The assault was to mask the retreat of the Confederates from the top of the mountain, to which they were impelled by the fear of being cut off in the morning from the only road leading down to the Chattanooga Valley. They left behind them, in their haste, twenty thousand rations, the camp and garrison equipage of three brigades, and other war material.45 Before daylight, in anticipation of this retreat, parties from several regiments were detached to scale the palisades at some broken point. The Eighth Kentucky were the first to do so, climbing up a narrow, rocky passage, one at a time, for there was no one above to oppose them. At sunrise,
Nov. 25, 1863.
in the clear, crisp autumn air, they unfurled the National banner from Pulpit Rock, on the extreme point of the mountain overlooking Chattanooga, with cheers that were re-echoed by the troops below. From that “pulpit” Jefferson Davis had harangued his troops only a few days before, when he gave them assurances that all was well with the Confederacy. This brilliant victory made absolutely secure the navigation of the river from Bridgeport to Chattanooga, the needful highway for supplies for the National army.

While Hooker was fighting on Lookout Mountain, Sherman's troops were crossing the Tennessee above Chattanooga. At one o'clock in the morning,

Nov. 24.
three thousand men embarked on the pontoon boats already mentioned, at the mouth of the North Chickamauga Creek, behind the shelter of Friar's Island. They floated silently down the river, landed some troops above the mouth of the South Chickamauga, to capture Confederate pickets

Pulpit Rook.46

[165] there, and then moved in equal silence to a point just below the mouth of the last-named stream. Then the boats, with the assistance of a river steamer and two barges, ferried over troops., and at dawn eight thousand were on the south shore of the Tennessee. These, under the direction of General W. F. Smith, commenced the construction of a pontoon bridge there thirteen hundred and fifty feet long, and also one across the Chickamauga. By noon both bridges were finished, when the rest of Sherman's troops passed over, and in a slight drizzle of rain from the low, hanging clouds, which, as we have seen, hooded Lookout Mountain, proceeded in three columns, en echelon,47 to attack the Confederates on the northern end of the Missionaries' Ridge, between the Chickamauga and the tunnel, where the railway passes through. Between three and four o'clock in the afternoon the desired point was gained, after some sharp fighting, and near the tunnel Sherman rested and fortified his position, making it a strong point of departure for the grander movements the next day. In the mean time Colonel Loring, with a brigade of Thomas's cavalry, had been raiding on Bragg's communications with East Tennessee, along the line of the railway between Chattanooga and Cleveland. He burned Tyner's Station, and, pushing on to Cleveland, captured two hundred Confederates, with one hundred wagons, and destroyed the railway station there, a gun-cap factory, and a large amount of stores, gathered for the supply of Longstreet.

The night of the 24th was spent in preparations for a great struggle on the morrow. The nearly full moon shone out resplendently in the unclouded sky. Camp-fires blazed along the heights from Lookout Mountain to the Chickamauga. On Bragg's flanks, in strong positions gained by hard struggling, hung two of the most determined fighters in the armies of the Republic. Hooker was on his left, holding the field of victory on Lookout Mountain, and Sherman was on his right, well intrenched, on the north end of the Missionaries' Ridge. There was now an uninterrupted communication between these extremes of Grant's army, Carlin, as we have seen, connecting Hooker with the center, and now Howard, with his (Eleventh) corps, connected that center with Sherman. The Headquarters of the chief were with Thomas, at Orchard Knob.

Bragg, in the mean time, had also been preparing for the inevitable encounter. He went to the summit of Lookout Mountain toward sunset, and found, to his dismay, that all the advantages of position at that point were irretrievably lost. He then gave orders for the ground to be disputed until he could withdraw all the troops of his left across Chattanooga Creek to the Missionaries' Ridge. That movement was accomplished during the night, and on Wednesday morning

Nov. 25, 1863.
his whole force was concentrated on the Ridge, and extended heavily to the right, to meet what seemed to be the point chosen for the most formidable assault on his lines, and to protect the railway between the Ridge and Dalton, to [166] which his supplies were sent up from Atlanta. He had placed Lieutenant-General W. J. Hardee in command of his right wing, facing Sherman, and Major-General J. Ac. Breckinridge in command of his left, to confront Hooker. That night he evacuated all of his works at the foot of the Ridge, excepting the rifle-pits, and formed a new line on its top.

Hooker moved down from Lookout Mountain on the morning of the 25th, and proceeded to cross Chattanooga Valley in the direction of Rossville. There he was delayed until about two o'clock in the afternoon, in consequence of the destruction, by the Confederates; of the bridge over Chattanooga Creek, where the road that wound down from Summertown, on Lookout Mountain, crossed it.

As soon as possible Osterhaus's division was thrown across the creek on the timbers of a new bridge the troops were constructing. Pushing on toward Rossville, they drove the Confederates out of the Gap there by a flanking movement, capturing a large quantity of artillery, small-arms, ammunition, wagons, ambulances, and stores that filled Ross's house. In the mean time Hooker's whole force had passed the creek and pushed on toward Rossville. There he set about his prescribed duty of clearing the Ridge of Confederates, who, under the immediate command of General Stewart, were well posted behind intrenchments cast up there by Thomas at the time of the battle of Chickamauga. Hie sent Osterhaus through the Gap to move parallel with the Ridge on its eastern side. Cruft was ordered to move along its crest, and Geary, with the batteries, marched up the valley at its base on the western side.

Bragg's skirmishers were ordered to meet this dangerous movement, when the Ninth Indiana dashed forward, formed a line under a heavy fire, and, charging furiously upon the foe, drove them back to the main body. The remainder of Cruft's column, meanwhile, formed in battle-line and moved forward at a charging pace, Gross's brigade, with the Fifty-first Ohio and Thirty-fifth Indiana of Whittaker's brigade, in advance, closely supported by the remainder of the latter's command. Back, back, back, they steadily pushed the Confederates, their front line, under General Stewart retreating, while fighting, upon the second line, under General Bate, while Geary and Osterhaus were pouring murderous fires upon their flanks. So the half-running fight continued until near sunset, when the Confederates broke into hopeless confusion and fled. The few who ran down the western slope of the Ridge were captured by Geary, and the many who sought safety in flight down the eastern slope were made prisoners by Osterhaus, full two thousand in number; while those who skurried along the Ridge toward the stronger right, fell into the hands of Johnson's division, of the Fourteenth (Palmer's) Corps, which had been advanced from Chattanooga. Few escaped. Hooker's victory on that part of the field was complete at twilight, and his troops went into bivouac for the night “with cheers and rejoicing.” 48

While Hooker was thus clearing one portion of the Missionaries' Ridge, Sherman was busy at the other extremity of the battle-line. He had strongly intrenched his position during the night, and, in obedience to [167] orders, prepared to attack Hardee at daylight, leaving the brigades of General Lightburn and Colonels Cockrell and Alexander to hold his fortified position as his key-point. His order of battle was similar to that of Hooker, sweeping along the crest and flanks of the Ridge. All was in readiness at sunrise, when General Corse, with three of his own regiments and one of Lightburn's, moved forward, while General M. L. Smith and his command advanced along the eastern base of the Ridge, and Colonel Loomis, with his brigade, supported by two brigades under General J. E. Smith, moved along the western base.

Sherman found the ground to be traversed more difficult than he had supposed. Instead of a continuous ridge, there was a chain of hills,49 each wooded and well fortified, so that, should one elevation be gained, another equally commanding would confront it. But no difficulties were formidable to men who had been taught by experience to disregard them; and Corse moved on, the Fortieth Illinois in advance, supported by the Twentieth and Forty-sixth Ohio. They swept rapidly down the hill held by Sherman and up the next eminence to within eighty yards of the Confederate works, where they found, seized, and held a secondary crest. Then Corse called up his reserves and asked for re-enforcements to attempt to carry the position before him, by assault. A severe hand-to-hand struggle ensued, which lasted for an hour, the tide of battle ebbing and flowing with equal success on both sides, and heavy loss on the part of the Nationals, who were subjected to an enfilading fire. Corse was unable to carry the works on his front, and the Confederates were equally unable to drive him from his position. Meanwhile, Smith and Loomis, on each side of the Ridge, were steadily advancing, fighting their way to the Confederate flanks without wavering. A heavy and unexpected artillery fire made the supporting brigades of General J. E. Smith recoil, and gave the impression to the anxious watchers at Chattanooga that Sherman was losing ground. It was not so. The real attacking forces under Corse (who was severely wounded at ten o'clock, and his place taken by Colonel Wolcott, of the Forty-sixth Ohio), M. L. Smith, and Loomis, made no retrograde movement, but held their ground, and struggled “all day persistently, stubbornly, and well.” 50 When J. E. Smith's reserves recoiled, the Confederates made a show of pursuit, but were soon struck on their flank and compelled to seek safety in retiring to the shelter of their works on the wooded hills.

Up to three o'clock in the afternoon, Sherman had not been able to gain any thing of decisive importance. General Grant, meanwhile, from his position on Orchard Knob, had been watching the progress of the battle, and waiting impatiently for tidings from Hooker, intending, if he should be successful, to order Thomas to advance on the Confederate center. He was ignorant of Hooker's detention at Chattanooga Creek, and expected to hear from him by noon. No tidings came, but when, between one and two o'clock, Grant saw that Bragg was weakening his center to support his right, and believing Hooker to be at or near Rossville, he gave Thomas an order to advance. It was promptly obeyed at two o'clock. The divisions of Wood, Baird, Sheridan, and Johnson moved steadily forward, with a [168] double line of skirmishers in front, followed at a short distance by the whole body. Pressing in a continuous line, they created such a panic among the occupants of the rifle-pits at the base of the Ridge, that they fled precipitately toward the crest, swarming up the hill-side, Grant said, “like bees from a hive.” The Nationals stopped but for a moment to re-form, when, inspired by an irresistible impulse, they pushed vigorously forward up the steep and

Chattanooga and vicinity.

rugged declivities in pursuit, in the face of a terrible storm of grape and canister-shot from about thirty guns on the summit, and from murderous volleys of musketry in the well-filled rifle-pits at the crest.51 But the [169] Nationals did not waver for a moment. They pressed on, and Lieutenant-Colonel Langdon, of the First Ohio, with a group of men of his own regiment and several others, who were foremost in the chase, sprang forward and made the first lodgment on the hill-top, within five hundred yards of Bragg's Headquarters, with shouts that were repeated by thousands of voices.52 This gap in the Confederate line speedily widened as the assailants pressed up, and it was not long before the entire battle-line of the Missionaries' Ridge was in possession of the Union troops, with all the Confederate cannon and ammunition, and many of the soldiers in the trenches; and the captured artillery was soon playing fearfully upon the defeated columns with an enfilading fire. Sherman soon drove the Confederates from his front, when the battle ceased at that end of the line; but the divisions of Wood and Baird, on the right, were obstinately resisted until dark, for the Confederates in their front were re-enforced from Bragg's right. Yet these were steadily pressed back; and at the edge of the evening they fled in haste, Breckinridge barely escaping capture. Thus ended the battle of Chattanooga, in complete victory for the National arms. Grant modestly summed up the result, in a dispatch to Halleck, saying, “Although the battle lasted from early dawn till dark this evening, I believe I am not premature in announcing a complete victory over Bragg. Lookout Mountain top, all the rifle-pits in Chattanooga Valley, and Missionary Ridge entire, have been carried, and are now held by us.” 53

During the night succeeding the battle, the Missionaries' Ridge blazed with the Union camp-fires, while the discomfited Confederates were retreating in haste toward Ringgold, by way of Chickamauga Station. Early the next morning, Sherman, Palmer, and Hooker were sent in pursuit, the first directly in the track of the fugitives, the other two by the Rossville road, toward Ringgold. Bragg destroyed the bridges behind him, and Hooker was very much delayed at Chickamauga River by a failure to supply him promptly with bridge materials. Sherman found every thing in flames at Chickamauga Station, which he passed and pushed on toward Greysville, encountering on the way, just at night, a rear-guard of the fugitives, with which he had a sharp skirmish. There General Grant overtook him. On the following morning he marched on to Greysville, on the East Chickamauga, where he found Palmer and his command, who, on the previous evening, had struck a rear-guard under General Gist, and captured three of his guns and some prisoners. There Sherman halted, and sent Howard to destroy a large section of the railway which connected Dalton with Cleveland, and thus severed the communication between Bragg and Burnside.

Hooker, meanwhile, had pushed on to Ringgold,

Nov. 27, 1868.
Osterhaus in advance, Geary following, and Cruft in the rear, and finding at every step evidences of Bragg's precipitate flight. Stragglers were numerous, and were made prisoners. When the head of the pursuers [170] reached Ringgold, the rear of the pursued had just left it. A little beyond is a narrow gap in Taylor's Ridge, sufficiently wide for the passage of the ]east Chickamauga River and the railway, with margins rising several hundred feet. There General Cleburne (called, as we have observed, the “Stonewall Jackson of the West” ), covering Bragg's retreat, had made a stand, with guns well posted, determined to impede the pursuers as long as possible. Hooker's guns, detained at the crossing of the Chickamauga, were not yet up. His troops, flushed with success, could not be easily restrained, and they were allowed to attack with small-arms only. The Thirteenth Illinois made a desperate attempt to dislodge the foe, but failed, with heavy loss. Yet the struggle went on, and finally, in the afternoon, when some of Hooker's guns were brought into position and the post was flanked by his infantry, Cleburne retreated, having inflicted a loss on the Nationals of four hundred and thirty-two men, of whom sixty-five were killed, Cleburne left one hundred and thirty killed and wounded on the field. So ended the battle of Ringgold.
Nov. 27, 1863.

General J. C. Davis's division, which had been attached to Sherman's command, reached Ringgold just after Cleburne fled, ready to press on in pursuit; but there it ended. Grant would gladly have continued it, and would doubtless have captured or destroyed Bragg's army; but he was compelled to refrain, because Burnside needed immediate relief, so as to save East Tennessee from the grasp of Longstreet. He had informed Grant that his supplies would not last longer than the 3d of December, a week later. This statement was a powerful appeal. Grant was in a condition to respond with vigor, for his foe was utterly demoralized by defeat and almost mutinous discontent among his troops,54 and Sherman's forces were interposed between him and Longstreet, so as to prevent any possibility of their forming a junction. The victorious troops fell back toward Chattanooga,55 and the campaign against Bragg ended.56 The Confederate retreat was continued to Dalton, where the army established a fortified camp.

1 See page 187.

2 See page 131.

3 Grant arrived at New Orleans on the 2d of September, to visit General Banks, and confer concerning future operations in the Mississippi region. On the 4th he attended a grand review at Carrollton, and on his return to the city, his horse became frightened by the noise of a steam-whistle, and, springing against a vehicle with great violence, caused the fall of himself and rider to the pavement. Grant's hip was temporarily paralyzed by the concussion, and he was compelled to use crutches for several weeks.

4 See page 99.

5 See page 628, volume II.

6 On the 18th of July, the generous President wrote a letter to Grant, in which, after saying that he did not remember that he and the general had ever met, and that he then wrote as a grateful acknowledgment for the almost inestimable service he had done the country, he referred to operations and proposed operations which the President thought would be best in the siege of Vicksburg, but which Grant did not, and said, “I now wish to make a personal acknowledgment that you were right and I was wrong.”

7 See page 131.

8 See page 631, volume II.

9 See page 625, volume II.

10 See page 612, volume II.

11 Sherman's loss in the recapture of Jackson, excepting Lauman's troops, was trifling. Johnston reported his loss in Jackson at about 600, and added that on his retreat desertions were frequent.

12 “The first few hours,” wrote an eye-witness, “were devoted by our soldiers to ransacking the town, and appropriating whatever of value or otherwise pleased their fancy, or to the destruction of such articles as they were unable to appreciate or remove. Pianos and articles of furniture were demolished, libraries were torn to pieces or trampled in the dust, pictures thrust through with bayonets, windows broken and doors torn from their hinges. Finally, after every other excess had been committed in the destruction of property, the torch was applied.” Household furniture, beds, &c., costly and otherwise, were dragged into the streets and burned. It was one of the most shameful exhibitions of barbarism of which the Union soldiers were occasionally guilty, and soiled, with an indelible stain, the character of the Patriot Army.

13 See page 273, volume II.

14 These works were completed at the beginning of 1864. They were three miles in length, extending around the city from river to river. The entire line, including eleven batteries, was called Fort Grant. The batteries were named and located as follows:--Battery Rawlins, on the Warrenton road, half a mile south of the town. Battery Castle (site of Mr. Burwell's house), near the railroad bridge, on the prolongation of Washington Street. Battery Comstock, in the southeastern portion of the town, on Crawford Street, near the residence of Mr. Willis. Battery Clark, in the eastern part of the city, between Grove and Jackson Streets. Battery Boomer, one half mile east of the city, on the Jackson road. Battery Sherman, one hundred yards in advance of Battery Wilson, between Jackson road and Win bayou. Battery Crocker, three-fourths of a mile north of Win bayou. Battery Ransom, one-fourth of a mile north of Fort Crocker. Battery Smith, one-fourth of a mile west of Ransom. Battery Hickenlooper, one mile north of the city, on the Valley road. I am indebted to Captain William J. White, aid-de-camp of General T. J. Hood. for the information contained in this note. See note 1, page 616, volume II,

15 See page 631, volume II.

16 See page 525, volume II.

17 See page 273, volume II.

18 Helena lies upon flat ground, on the western bank of the Mississippi River. Back of it are high ridges, running parallel with the river, and commanding the city and approaches. Fort Curtis was erected on the low ground, and being commanded by these bluffs, it was thought proper to place Strong batteries upon them. The work was done under the immediate directions of Lieutenant J. G. Patton, of the Thirty-third Missouri. There were four batteries, mounting heavy guns. On the low ground above and below the town there were rifle-pits, with flanking batteries of 10-pounder Parrott guns and 6 and 12-pounder brass pieces.

19 Price reported his loss at 1,111, of whom 106 were killed, 505 were wounded, and 500 were missing.

20 He reported his entire loss at 1,636 men. Prentiss (whose loss was only 250 men) made that of Holmes appear much greater, by stating that he buried 800 Confederates left dead on the field, and took 1,100 of them prisoners.

21 this was the appearance of Grant's Headquarters on the high bank of the Tennessee, as it appeared when the writer sketched it in the spring of 1866. it was near the bridge which the Nationals constructed across the Tennessee, at the upper part of Chattanooga. The eminence in the distance is Cameron's Hill, between the town and the river, which was strongly fortified.

22 This is so called because of its shape, which resembles an Indian moccasin, as Italy does that of a boot.

23 His troops consisted of a greater portion of the Eleventh Corps, under General Howard; a part of the Second Division of the Twelfth Corps, under General Geary; one company of the Fifth Tennessee Cavalry, and a part of a company of the First Alabama Cavalry.

24 In a letter to the author, August 23, 1866, General Hazen, speaking of his movement down the river, said: “Fifty-two batteaux had been constructed, that would carry twenty-five men each. At twelve o'clock that night I marched fifty-two squads, each under the command of a tried and trusty officer, to the river landing, and quietly embarked them. These boats were organized into three battalions, under officers who had been tried on many fields. They had been taken in the afternoon nine miles below, to Brown's Ferry, and shown where to land and what to do. Not until the boats were loaded did the leaders of squads know what was expected of them.”

25 In his report of the battle on the 6th of November, General Hooker said: “At one time they had enveloped him [Geary] on three sides, under circumstances that would have dismayed any officer except one endowed with an iron will and the most exalted courage. Such is the character of General Geary.”

26 The troops engaged in this charge were the Seventy-third Ohio, Colonel Smith, and Thirty-third Massashusetts, Colonel Underwood, supported by the One Hundred and Thirty-sixth New York, Colonel Greenwood Colonel Smith's regiment was commanded on the occasion by Captain Thomas Higgins, acting Major. These were very thin regiments. Those of Ohio and Massachusetts numbered only about two hundred effective men each.

27 Among the gallant officers wounded in this engagement was Colonel Underwood, of the Thirty-third Massachusetts, who, on the recommendation of General Hooker, was promoted to Brigadier-General.

28 The National loss in this engagement was 416. The entire loss since crossing the Tennessee, 437; of whom 76 were killed, 339 wounded, and 22 were missing. Among the killed was Captain Geary, son of the General. General Green and Colonel Underwood were severely wounded.

An amusing incident of this night's battle is related. When it began, about two hundred mules, frightened: by the noise, dashed into the ranks of Wade Hampton's Legion, and produced a great panic. The Confederates. supposed it to be a charge of Hooker's cavalry, and fell back at first in some confusion. The incident inspired a mock-heroic poem, of six stanzas, in imitation of Tennyson's “Charge of the six hundred” at Balaklava (see note on page 633, volume II.), two verses of which were as follows:--

Forward, the mule brigade!
Was there a mule dismayed?
Not when the long ears felt
All their ropes sundered.
Theirs not to make reply--
Theirs not to reason why--
Theirs but to make them fly--
On! to the Georgia troops
Broke the two hundred.
Mules to the right of them--
Mules to the left of them--
Mules all behind them--
Pawed, neighed, and thundered;
Breaking their own confines--
Breaking through Longstreet's lines
Testing chivalric spines,
Into the Georgia troops
Stormed the two hundred.

29 When Rosecrans's troops reached Bridgeport, and it was known that there was no steamboat to be found on the river, mechanics of the army set about building one for the public service. In a very short time the Chattanooga was made ready; and when the operations of the National troops in the Lookout Valley secured the safe navigation of the river from Bridgeport to Brown's Ferry, she commenced regular trips between the two places, under the command of Captain Arthur Edwards. She was called the “Cracker line” by the Confederates, the word “Cracker” being a name applied to the “mean whites” of “Georgia.” The Chattanooga was the first vessel of the kind built by the soldiers for their use. Others were begun soon afterward. She was constructed chiefly by the Michigan engineer regiment already mentioned.

30 Wolford lost of his command that day 324 men, with six guns; and he took 111 prisoners. About 100 amen were killed on each side. Longstreet captured in all, before he reached the Tennessee at Loudon, 650 Union troops.

31 Among the slain was Lieutenant P. M. Holmes, son of Professor Oliver Wendell Holmes, of Charlestown, Massachusetts. On his breast he wore the badge of the Bunker's Hill Club, on which was engraved the line from Horace,,quoted by General Warren, just before his death on Bunker's Hill--“Dulce et decorum est, pro patria circ;mori.” --“It is sweet and glorious to die for one's country.”

32 Knoxville is on the northern bank of the Holston River, one of the main streams that form the Tennessee-River, and a large portion of it stands on a table-land, 150 feet above the river, about a mile square in area. On the northeast is a small creek, running through a deep ravine, beyond which is Temperance Hill. Still farther to the east is Mayberry Hill. On the northwest the table-land slopes down to a broad valley, along which lies. the railway. On the southwest boundary of the town is another creek, flowing through a ravine, beyond which is College Hill. Farther to the southwest is a high ridge, running nearly parallel with the road that enters Knoxville from below, on which, at the time we are considering, was an unfinished work, afterward known as Fort Sanders, so named in honor of General Sanders, who lost his life near. College Hill was fortified with a. strong work carrying a piece of siege artillery. On the height near the Summit House was another work. There were two forts on Temperance Hill, and on each of two other eminences near was a battery. On the principal height, south of the Holston, was a fort, and in the town, near the street leading to the railway station, was a considerable work. Extending around the town, from river to river, was a line of rifle-pits and breastworks. The fortifications for the defense of Knoxville were constructed under the skillful direction of Captain Poe, of Burnside's engineers. “Under Poe's hands,” said a participant, “rifle-pits appear as if by magic, and every hill-top of the vast semicircle around Knoxville, from Temperance Hill to College Hill, is frowning with cannon and bristling with bayonets.”

33 The One Hundred and Twelfth Illinois, Forty-fifth Ohio, Third Michigan, and Twelfth Kentucky.

34 General Sanders was killed in a field, a short distance from the residence of Mr. Armstrong, on the left of the road leading to the town. The bullet that killed him was from a sharp-shooter (supposed to have been young Gist, mentioned in the next note), sent from a window in the tower of Armstrong's house. He was taken to the Lamar House, in Knoxville, and died the next day (Nov. 19), in the bridal chamber of that hotel. His body was buried at midnight, in the Presbyterian churchyard at Knoxville, after the celebration of the impressive funeral service of the Protestant Episcopal Church, by the Rev. Mr. Hume.

35 In this engagement Mr. Armstrong's house was considerably injured, it being filled with sharp-shooters, upon whom volleys of bullets were poured. These passed through windows and doors. When the writer visited and sketched the house, in the spring of 1866, he saw a bullet lodged in the back of a piano, and the blood-stains upon the stairs leading down from the tower, made by the ebbing of the life-current of a young amateur sharp-shooter, a nephew of Judge Gist, of Charleston, South Carolina, who had been amusing himself by firing from a window in the tower. He was shot between the eyes, the ball passing through his head and into the wall behind him. He died while his comrades were carrying him to a bedroom below.

36 The Fifteenth (Sherman's) Corps was composed of four divisions, commanded respectively by Generals B. J. Osterhaus, M. L. Smith, J. M. Tuttle, and Hugh Ewing.

37 Grant's dispatch was dated the 24th of October. It had been conveyed by a messenger who floated down the Tennessee River in a boat to Florence, and made his way to Tuscumbia, when Blair sent the message to Sherman, at Iuka.

38 Bragg's note, dated “Headquarters Army of the Tennessee, in the field, November 20, 1863,” was as follows: “General — As there may still be some non-combatants in Chattanooga, I deem it proper to notify you that prudence would dictate their early withdrawal.”

39 In the picture, on the next page, of that portion of the Missionaries' Ridge that was the chief theater of war, Orchard Knob is the eminence on the left of the figures on Cemetery Hill, rising above the rolling plain to about half the height of the ridge. That ridge is made up of a series of connected knobs, with depressions, the most considerable of which is Rossville Gap.

40 These were of the Twenty-eighth Alabama Regiment, whose colors were among the trophies of Hazen's brigade, which captured the prisoners.

41 Hooker's force now consisted of Osterhaus's division of the Fifteenth Corps; Cruft's, of the Fourth; and Geary, of the Twelfth, excepting some regiments left to guard the roads in the rear and to Kelly's Ferry. His artillery was composed of Battery K of the First Ohio, and Battery K of the First New York. He had also a part of the Second Kentucky Cavalry and a company of the Fifteenth Illinois Cavalry, making his entire force only 9,681 men. “We were all strangers,” he said in his report, “no one division ever having seen one of the others.”

At that time the Confederate pickets formed a continuous line along the right bank of Lookout Creek, with reserves in the valley, while their main force was encamped in a hollow halfway up the slope of the mountain. The summit was held by several brigades of Stevenson's division. The side of the mountain toward Hooker was steep, rugged, and wooded, with a palisaded crest, the rocks rising perpendicularly from fifty to eighty feet. On the northern slope, toward Chattanooga, was a belt of arable land, extending well up toward the palisades. This was traversed by a continuous line of earth-works, with redoubts, redans, and rifle-pits; also abatis and stone walls, to resist an attack from Lookout or Chattanooga Valley. There was no road to the summit in that region, excepting a zigzagging one on the Chattanooga side.

42 Hooker's Report, February 4, 1864.

43 in this sketch is seen a portion of the slope of Lookout Mountain, with its felled trees, up which the National troops climbed and fought. In the distance is seen the Tennessee, where it winds around Cameron's Hill at Chattanooga and by Moccasin Point.

44 this is from a sketch from Cameron's hill, at Chattanooga, made by the writer in May, 1866, in which the ruins of Mr. Cameron's house is seen in the foreground. Below is seen the Tennessee River, winding around Moccasin Point. In the distance, at the center, rises Lookout Mountain, on the face of which the white spot indicates the place of Craven's house, on the plateau. In Lookout Valley, to the right, is the hill on which Hooker was stationed during the fight. Farther to the right are seen the northeastern slopes of Raccoon Mountain.

45 Bragg, in his report, complained of the remissness of General Stevenson, in command on the summit of the mountain, for not rendering assistance to Walthall. He said Stevenson had “six brigades at his disposal.” “Upon his urgent appeal,” said Bragg, “another brigade was dispatched in the afternoon to his support, though it appears that his own forces had not been brought into action.”

46 this shows the character of a portion of the summit of Lookout Mountain, where it abuts upon the Tennessee River. There lie in picturesque confusion immense laminated bowlders, and occasionally columnar masses of Rock. Not far from Summertown (a place of summer resort on the top of the Mountain), on the road 164 to Lula Falls, is a curious collection of these, called Rock City. Two columnar masses, called the two sisters, rising near each other, appear like the huge boundaries of an immense gateway.

47 The left column was that of direction, under General M. L. Smith, and followed the general line of the Chickamauga River. The center, under General J. E. Smith, in columns doubled on the center at full brigade intervals, to the right and rear; and the right was Ewing's column, prepared to deploy to the right, on the supposition that an attack might be made from that direction.

48 Hooker's Report.

49 See picture on page 161.

50 General Sherman's Report, December 19, 1863.

51 In a letter to his father, written by a friend of the author (Isaac N. Merritt, of the Eighty-ninth Illinois, known as “the Railroad Regiment” ), a few weeks after the battle on the Missionaries' Ridge, he said: “The storming of the ridge by our troops was one of the greatest marvels in military history. No one who climbs the ascent by any of the roads that wind along its front can believe that eighteen thousand men were moved simultaneously upon its broken and uneven surface, unless it was his fortune to witness that daring deed. It seemed as awful as the visible interposition of God. Neither Generals Grant nor Thomas intended it. Their orders were to carry the rifle-pits along the base of the Ridge and cut off their occupants; but when this was accomplished, the unaccountable spirit of the troops bore them bodily up the impassable steeps over the bristling rifle-pits on the hill's crest, and cannon enfilading every gully. The orders to storm appear to have been quite simultaneous by Generals Sheridan and Wood, because the men could not be held back, hopeless as the attempt appeared to military prudence, with any prospect of success. The generals caught the inspiration of the men, and were ready themselves to undertake impossibilities and run fearful risks for the chances of glorious and undying gains.”

General Hazen, in a letter to the author, says: “The men of Willich's and my brigades commenced running forward for security under the Ridge, but as they reached it they commenced its ascent. I then gave the order, ‘Forward!’ and sent my staff officers to carry everybody forward up the Ridge. The fire we passed through was dreadful, but the men, without preserving lines, formed into groups where accidents of the ground gave cover, and each group, led by a color, steadily made its way up. These colors were often shot down — those of the First Ohio six times — but they were at once seized and borne along.”

52 Lieutenant-Colonel Langdon received a shot through his face and neck at the moment when he reached the hill-top, which felled him to the ground. He at once rose, the blood streaming from his wounds, and shouting “Forward!” again fell. His hurt, though severe, was not mortal.

53 Grant reported the Union loss, in the series of struggles which ended in victory at Missionaries' Ridge, at 757 killed, 4,529 wounded, and 830 missing, making a total of 5,616. Bragg's loss was about 3,100 in killed and wounded, and a little over 6,000 prisoners. Of the latter, 239 were commissioned officers. Grant also captured 40 pieces of artillery, with caissons and carriages, and 7,000 small-arms.

54 Bragg, at this time, as at the battle of Chickamauga, tried to cover up his own incompetence under censures of others. He attributed his failure to gain a victory in the former case to the tardiness of Polk and Hindman; now he attributed his defeat to what he was pleased to call “the shameful conduct of the troops on the left,” commanded by Breckinridge. And Jefferson Davis, in order to shield from censure this, his creature and favorite, disparaged his troops, who fought as gallantly and successfully as the bad management of their commander would allow. “It is believed,” Davis said, “that if the troops who yielded to the assault [Hooker's] had fought with the valor which they had-displayed on previous occasions, and which was manifested in this battle in the other parts of the line, the enemy would have been repulsed with very great slaughter, and our country would have escaped the misfortune, and the army the mortification, of the first defeat that has resulted from misconduct by the troops.” --Pollard's Third Year of the War, 159.

55 Gross's brigade visited the battle-field of Chickamauga for the purpose of burying the Union dead, whom Bragg had inhumanly left to decay on the surface. The name of each soldier thus buried, whenever it could be ascertained, was placed upon a board at the head of his grave, with the number of his regiment.

56 “Considering the strength of the rebel position and the difficulty of storming his intrenchments,” said Halleck, “the Battle of Chattanooga must be regarded as the most remarkable in history. Not only did the officers and men exhibit great skill and daring in their operations in the field, but the highest praise is also due to the commanding general for his admirable dispositions for dislodging the enemy from a position apparently Impregnable.”

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