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[296]

Chapter 2: Judicial alacrity.

Hardly had the Preliminary Court adjourned, ere the Circuit Court assembled. At two o'clock the Grand Jury were called, and charged by Judge Richard Parker. By way of a contrast to the subsequent proceeding, the plausible yet Jesuitical address of the Judge, which promises and urges a fair trial, but, at the same time, so clearly indicates the spirit of Virginia, is deserving of a record here.

Charge to the Grand Jury.

Gentlemen of the Jury: In the state of excitement into which our whole community has been thrown by the recent occurrences in this county, I feel that the charge which I usually deliver to a grand jury would be entirely out of place. These occurrences cannot but force themselves upon your attention. They must necessarily occupy a considerable portion of that time which you will devote to your public duties as a Grand Jury. However guilty the unfortunate men who are now in the hands of justice may prove to be, still they cannot be called upon to answer to the offended laws of our Commonwealth for any of the multifarious crimes with which they are charged, until a Grand Jury, after “dignified” inquiry, shall decide that for these offences they be put upon their trial. I will not permit myself to give expression to any of those feelings which at once spring up in every breast when reflecting upon the enormity of the guilt in which those are involved who invade by force a peaceful, unsuspecting portion of our common country, [297] raise the standard of insurrection amongst us, and shoot down without mercy Virginia citizens defending Virginia soil against their invasion. I must remember, gentlemen, that, as a minister of justice, bound to execute our laws faithfully, and in the very spirit of Justice herself, I must, as to every one accused of crime, hold, as the law holds, that he is innocent until he shall be proved guilty by an honest, an independent, and an impartial jury of his countrymen. And what is obligatory upon me is equally binding upon you, and upon every one who may be connected with the prosecution and trial of these offenders. In these cases, as in all others, you will be controlled by that oath which each of you has taken, and in which you have solemnly sworn that you will diligently inquire into all offences which may be brought to your knowledge, and that “you will present no one through ill-will,” as well as “that you will leave no one unpresented through fear or favor, but in all your presentments you shall present the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.” Do but this, gentlemen, and you will have fulfilled your whole duty. Go beyond this, and, in place of that diligent inquiry and calm investigation which you have sworn to make, act upon prejudice or from excitement of passion, and you will have done a wrong to that law in whose service you are engaged. As I before said, these men are now in the hands of justice. They are to have a fair and an impartial trial. We owe it to the cause of justice, as well as to our own characters, that such a trial should be afforded them. If guilty, they will be sure to pay the extreme penalty of their guilt, and the example of punishment, when thus inflicted by virtue of law, will be beyond all comparison more efficacious for our future protection than any torture to which mere passion could subject them. Whether, then, we be in public or private position, let each one of us remember that, as the law has charge of these alleged offenders, the law alone, through its recognized agents, must deal with them to the last. It can tolerate no interference by others with duties it has assumed to itself. If true to herself,--and true she will be,--our Commonwealth, through her courts of justice, will be as ready to punish the offence of such interference as she is to punish these grave and serious offences with which she is now about to deal — in case these offences be proved by legal testimony to have been perpetrated. Let us all, gentlemen, bear this in mind, and in patience await the result — confident that that result will be whatever strict and impartial justice shall determine to be necessary and proper. It would seem, gentlemen,--and yet I speak from no evidence, but upon vague rumors which have reached me,--that these men who have thrown themselves upon us confidently expected to be joined by our slaves and free negroes, and unfurled the banner of insurrection, [298] and invited this class of our citizens to rally under it. And yet, I am told, they are unable to obtain a single recruit.1


The Preliminary Court reported the result of their examination, and the Grand Jury at once retired with the witnesses. At five o'clock they returned, and asked to be discharged for the day. They reassembled at ten o'clock on the following forenoon, Wednesday, and, at twelve o'clock, reported “a true bill” against each of the prisoners: First, For conspiring with negroes to produce insurrection; second, For treason in the Commonwealth, and, third, For murder. The Grand Jury was then discharged.

This is the indictment of the Grand Jury:

The indictment.

Judicial Circuit of Virginia, Jefferson county, to wit.-The Jurors of the Commonwealth of Virginia, in and for the body of the County of Jefferson, duly impaneled, and attending upon the Circuit Court of said county, upon their oaths do present that John Brown, Aaron C. Stephens. alias Aaron D. Stephens and Edwin Coppic, white men, and Shields Green and John Copeland, free negroes, together with divers other evil-minded and traitorous persons to the Jurors unknown, not having the fear of God before their eyes, but being moved and seduced by the false and malignant counsel of other evil and traitorous persons, and the instigations of the devil, did, severally, on the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth days of the month of October, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and fifty-nine, and on divers other days before and after that time, within the Commonwealth of Virginia, and the County of Jefferson aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, with other confederates to the Jurors unknown, feloniously and traitorously make rebellion and levy war against the said Commonwealth of Virginia, and to effect, carry out, and fulfil their said wicked and treasonable ends and purposes did, then and there, as a band of organized soldiers, attack, seize, and hold a certain part and place within the county and State aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction aforesaid, known and called by the name of Harper's Ferry, and then and there did forcibly capture, make prisoners of, and detain divers good and loyal citizens of said Commonwealth, to wit: Lewis W. Washington, John M. Allstadt, Archibald M. Kitzmiller, Benjamin J. Mills, John E. P. Dangerfield, Armstead Ball, John Donoho, and did then and there slay and murder, by shooting with firearms. called Sharpe's rifles, divers good and loyal citizens of said Commonwealth, to wit: Thomas Boerly, George W. Turner, Fontaine Beckham, together with Luke Quinn, a soldier of the United States, and Hayward Sheppard, a free negro, and did then and there, in manner aforesaid, wound divers other good and loyal citizens of said Commonwealth, and did then and there feloniously and traitorously establish and set up, without authority of the Legislature of the Commonwealth of Virginia, a government, separate from, and hostile to, the existing Government of said Commonwealth; and did then and there hold and exercise divers offices under said usurped Government, to wit: the said John Brown as Commander-in Chief of the military forces, the said Aaron C. Stephens alias Aaron D. Stephens, as Captain; the said Edwin Coppic, as Lieutenant, and the said Shields Green and John [299] Copeland as soldiers ; and did then and there require and compel obedience to said officers; and then and there did hold and profess allegiance and fidelity to said usurped Government; and under color of the usurped authority aforesaid. did then and there resist forcibly, and with warlike arms, the execution of the laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia, and with firearms did wound and maim divers other good and loyal citizens of said Commonwealth, to the Jurors unknown, when attempting, with lawful authority, to uphold and maintain said Constitution and laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia, and for the purpose, end, and aim of overthrowing and abolishing the Constitution and laws of said Commonwealth, and establishing, in the place thereof, another and different government, and constitution and laws hostile thereto, did then and there feloniously and traitorously, and in military array, join in open battle and deadly warfare with the civil officers and soldiers in the lawful service of the said Commonwealth of Virginia, and did then and there shoot and discharge divers guns and pistols, charged with gunpowder and leaden bullets, against and upon divers parties of the militia and volunteers embodied and acting under the command of Colonel Robert W. Baylor, and of Colonel John Thomas Gibson, and other officers of said Commonwealth, with lawful authority to quell and subdue the said John Brown, Aaron C. Stephens, alias Aaron D. Stephens, Edwin Coppic, Shields Green, and John Copland, and other rebels and traitors assembled, organized, and acting with them, as aforesaid, to the evil example of all others in like case offending, and against the peace and dignity of the Commonwealth.

Second Count.--And the Jurors aforesaid. upon their oaths aforesaid, do further present that the said John Brown, Aaron C. Stephens, alias Aaron D. Stephens, Edwin Coppic, Shields Green, and John Copeland, severally, on the sixteenth, seventeeth, and eighteenth days of October, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and fifty-nine, in the said County of Jefferson, and Commonwealth of Virginia, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, not having the fear of God before their eyes, but moved and seduced by the false and malignant counsels of others, and the instigations of the devil, did each severally, maliciously, and feloniously conspire with each other, and with a certain John E. Cook, John Kagi, Charles Tidd, and others to the Jurors unknown, to induce certain slaves, to wit, Jim, Sam, Mason, and Catesby . ... the slaves and property of Lewis W. Washington, and Henry, Levi, Ben, Jerry, Phil, George, and Bill, the slaves and property of John H. Allstadt, and other slaves to the Jurors unknown, to rebel and make insurrection against their masters and owners, and against the Government and the Constitution and laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia: and then and there did maliciously and feloniously advise said slaves, and other slaves to the Jurors unknown, to rebel and make insurrection against their masters and owners, and against the Government, the Constitution and laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia, to the evil example of all others in like cases offending, and against the peace and dignity of the Commonwealth.

Third Count.--And the Jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths aforesaid, further present that the said John Brown, Aaron C. Stephens, alias Aaron D. Stephens, Edwin Coppic, Shields Green, and John Copeland. severally, on the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth days of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-nine, in the County of Jefferson and the Commonwealth of Virginia aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction aforesaid, in and upon the bodies of Thomas Boerly, George W. Turner, Fontaine Beckham, Luke Quinn, white persons, and Hayward Sheppard, a free negro, in the peace of the Commonwealth then and there being, feloniously, wilfully, and of their malice aforethought, and make an assault, and with firearms called Sharpe's rifles, and other deadly weapons to the Jurors unknown, then and there, charged with gunpowder and leaden bullets, did then and there feloniously, wilfully, and of their malice aforethought, shoot and discharge the same against the bodies severally and respectively of the said Thomas Boerly, George W. Turner, Fontaine Beckham, Luke Quinn, and Hayward Sheppard; and that the said John Brown, Aaron C. Stephens, alias Aaron D. Stephens, Edwin Coppic, Shields Green, and John Copland, with the leaden bullets aforesaid, out of the firearms called Sharpe's rifles, aforesaid, shot and discharged as aforesaid, and with the other deadly weapons to the jurors unknown, as aforesaid, then and there feloniously, wilfully, and of their malice aforethought did strike, penetrate and wound the said Thomas Boerly, George W. Turner, Fontaine Beckham, Lake Quinn, Hayward Sheppard, each severally; to wit: the said Thomas Boerly in and upon the left side; the said George W. Turner in and upon the left shoulder; the said Fontaine Beckham in and upon the right breast; the said Luke Quinn in and upon the abdomen, and the said Hayward Sheppard in and upon the back and side, giving to the said Thomas Boerly, George W. Turner, Fontaine Beckham, Luke Quinn, Hayward Sheppard, then and there with the leaden bullets, so as afore-said shot and discharged by them, severally and respectively out of the Sharpe's rifles aforesaid, and with the other deadly weapons to the Jurors unknown, as aforesaid, each one mortal wound, of which said mortal wounds they the said Thomas Beerly, George W. Turner, Fontaine Beckham, Luke Quinn, and Hayward Sheppard each died; and so [300] the Jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths aforesaid, do say that the said John Brown, Aaron C. Stephens, alias Aaron D. Stephens, Edwin Coppic, Shields Green, and John Copland, then and there, them the said Thomas Boerly, George W. Turner, Fontaine Beckham, Luke Quinn, and Hayward Sheppard, in the manner aforesaid, and by the means aforesaid, feloniously, wilfully, and of their, and each of their malice aforethought, did kill and murder, against the peace and dignity of the Commonwealth.

Fourth Count.-And the Jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths aforesaid, further present that the said John Brown, Aaron C. Stephens, alias Aaron D. Stephens, and Edwin Coppic, and Shields Green, each severally on the seventeenth day of October, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and fifty-nine, in the County of Jefferson and Commonwealth of Virginia aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, in and~upon the bodies of certain Thomas Boerly, George W. Turner, and Fontaine Beckham, in the peace of the Commonwealth, then and there being feloniously, wilfully, and of their malice aforethought, did make an assault, and with guns called Sharpe's rifles, then and there charged with gunpowder and leaden bullets, did then and there feloniously, wilfully, and of their, and each of their malice aforethought, shoot and discharge the same against the bodies of the said Thomas Boerly, George W. Turner, and Fontaine Beckham, and that the said John Brown, Aaron C. Stephens, alias Aaron D. Stephens, Edward Coppic, and Shields Green, with leaden bullets aforesaid, shot out of the Sharpe's rifles aforesaid, then and there, feloniously, wilfully, and of their malice aforethought, did strike, penetrate, and wound the said Thomas Boerly, George W. Turner, and Fontaine Beckham, each severally, viz.: The said Thomas Boerly in and upon the left side; the said George W. Turner in and upon the left shoulder and breast, and the said Fontaine Beckham in and upon the right breast, giving to the said Thomas Boerly, George W. Turner, and Fontaine Beckham, then and there, with leaden bullets aforesaid, shot by them severally out of Sharpe's rifles aforesaid, each one mortal wound, of which said mortal wounds they the said Thomas Boerly, George W. Turner, and Fontaine Beckham then and there died: and that the said John Copland, then and there, feloniously, wilfully, and of his malice aforethought, was present, aiding, helping, abetting, comforting and assisting the said John Brown, Aaron C. Stephens, alias Aaron D. Stephens, Edwin Coppic, and Shields Green in the felony and murder aforesaid, in manner aforesaid to commit. And so the Jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths, do say that the said John Brown, Aaron C. Stephens, alias Aaron D. Stephens, Edwin Coppic, Shields Green, and John Copland, then and there them, the said Thomas Boerly, George W. Turner, and Fontaine Beckham, in the manner aforesaid, and by the means aforesaid, feloniously, wilfully, and of their and each of their malice aforethought, did kill and murder, against the peace and dignity of the Commonwealth of Virginia.

Lewis W. Washington, John H. Allstadt, John E. P. Dangerfield, Alexander Kelly, Emanuel Spangler, Armstead M. Ball, Joseph A. Brua, William Johnson, Lewis P. Starry, Archibald H. Kitzmiller, were sworn in open Court this 26th day of October, 1859, to give evidence to the Grand Jury upon this bill of indictment.

Teste: Robert T. brown, Clerk.
A true copy of said indictment. Teste: Robert T. Brown, Clerk of the Circuit Court of Jefferson County, in the State of Virginia.
Which bill of indictment the Grand Jury returned this 26th day of October. A true bill. Thomas Rutherford, Foreman. October 26, 1859.

Before the indictment was read, as Mr. Faulkner had gone home, the Court requested a Mr. Green, a Virginian, to act as assistant counsel for the defendants. It was understood that all the prisoners were willing that this arrangement should be made.


Appeal for a decent delay.

John Brown then rose and said:

I do not intend to detain the court, but barely wish to say, as I have been promised a fair trial, that I am not now in circumstances that [301] enable me to attend a trial, owing to the state of my health. I have a severe wound in the back, or rather in one kidney, which enfeebles me very much. But I am doing well, and I only ask for a very short delay of my trial, and I think I may get able to listen to it; and I merely ask this, that, as the saying is, “the devil may have his due” -no more. I wish to say, further, that my hearing is impaired, and rendered indistinct, in consequence of wounds I have about my head. I cannot hear distinctly at all; I could not hear what the court has said this morning. I would be glad to hear what is said on my trial, and am now doing better than I could expect to be under the circumstances. A very short delay would be all I would ask. I do not presume to ask more than a very short delay, so that I may in some degree recover, and be able at least to listen to my trial, and hear what questions are asked of the citizens, and what their answers are. If that could be allowed me, I should be very much obliged.

Mr. Hunter said that the request was rather premature. The arraignment should be made, and this question could then be considered.

The Court ordered the indictment to be read, so that the prisoner could plead guilty or not guilty, and it would then consider Mr. Brown's request.

The indictment was now read, and each of the prisoners pleaded Not Guilty, and demanded to have separate trials. One incident of this scene is so revolting, that I must record it in the language of the enemies of the prisoners:

The prisoners were brought into court, accompanied by a body of armed men. Cannon were stationed in front of the court house, and an armed guard were patrolling round the jail. Brown looked something better, and his eye was not so much swollen. Stevens had to be supported, and reclined on a mattress on the floor of the court room--evidently notable to sit. He has the appearance of a dying man, breathing with great difficulty. The prisoners were compelled to stand during the indictment, but it was with difficulty, Stevens being held upright by two bailiffs.

As soon as the prisoners had responded to the arraignment, Mr. Hunter rose and said, “The State [302] elects to try John Brown first.” A discussion and decision, fit accompaniments to the scene above described, then ensued; which are thus reported by the partisans of the State:

Mr. Botts said, I am instructed by Brown to say that he is mentally and physically unable to proceed with his trial at this time. He has heard to-day that counsel of his own choice will be here, whom he will, of course, prefer. He only asks for a delay of two or three days. It seems to be but a reasonable request, and I hope the Court will grant it.

Mr. Hunter said, he did not think it the duty of the prosecutor for the Commonwealth, or for one occupying the position, to oppose any thing that justice required, nor to object to any thing that involved a simple consideration of humanity, where it could be properly allowed; yet, in regard to this proposition to delay the trial of John Brown two or three days, they deemed it their duty that the Court, before determining matters, should be put in possession of facts and circumstances, judicially, that they were aware of in the line of their duties as prosecutors. His own opinion was, that it was not proper to delay the trial of this prisoner a single day, and that there was no necessity for it. He alluded in general terms to the condition of things that surrounded them. They were such as rendered it dangerous to delay, to say nothing of the exceeding pressure upon the physical resources of the community, growing out of circumstances connected with affairs for which the prisoners were to be tried. He said our laws, in making provisions for allowing, in the discretion of the Court, briefer time than usual, in cases of conviction, for such offenders, between the condemnation and execution, evidently indicates, indirectly, the necessity of acting promptly and decisively, though always justly, in proceedings of this kind. In reference to Brown's physical condition, he asked the Court not to receive the unimportant statements of the prisoners as sufficient ground for delay, but that the jailer and physicians be examined. As to expecting counsel from abroad, he said that no impediment had been thrown in the way of the prisoners' procuring such counsel as they desired, but, on the contrary, every facility had been afforded; able and intelligent counsel had been assigned them here, and he apprehended that there was little reason to expect the attendance of those gentlemen from the North who had been written for. There was also a public duty resting upon them to avoid as far as possible, within the forms of law, and with reference to the great and never to be lost sight of principle of giving of a fair and impartial trial to the prisoners, the [303] introduction of any thing likely to weaken our present position, and give strength to our enemies abroad, whether it issues from the jury in time, or whether it comes from the mouths of the prisoners, or any other source. It was their position that had been imperilled and jeopardized, as they supposed, by enemies.

Mr. Harding concurred in the objection of Mr. Hunter, on the ground of danger in delay, and also because Brown was the leader of the insurrection, and his trial ought to be proceeded with on account of the advantage thereby accruing in the trial of the others.

Mr. Green remarked that he had had no opportunity of consulting with the prisoner, or preparing a defence. The letters for Northern counsel had been sent off, but not sufficient time had been afforded to receive answers. Under the circumstances, he thought a short delay desirable.

Mr. Botts added, that at present the excitement was so great as perhaps to deter Northern counsel from coming out; but now that it had been promised that the prisoners should have a fair and impartial trial, he presumed that they would come and take part in the case.

The Court stated that, if physical inability were shown, a reasonable delay must be granted. As to the expectation of other counsel, that did not constitute a sufficient cause for delay, as there was no certainty about their coming. Under the circumstances in which the prisoners were situated, it was rational that they should seek delay. The brief period remaining before the close of the term of the Court rendered it necessary to proceed as expeditiously as practicable, and to be cautious about granting delays. He would request the physician who had attended Brown to testify as to his condition.

Were ever before, in any civilized State, such reasons given for refusing the delay of a few days only to a wounded prisoner, charged with a capital offence, whose sole request was, that time might be allowed for honest counsel, whom he knew, to arrive and defend him? Even had the old man been unwounded, surrounded as he was by excited enemies, in a county and Common wealth where a verdict of acquittal was an impossible event, it would have been a very grave judicial outrage to have tried him until he could obtain proper counsel, or before considering a demand for a change of venue. Because the expense of a trial was great; because the [304] offences charged on the prisoner were declared to be grave ones — by the unjust Virginia code ; because the arrival of Northern counsel might elicit facts unfavorable to the reputation of the State, but that might tend to exculpate the defendant — for this is what Mr. Hunter's last orphic sentence meant; because there might be danger, if the request was granted, of a second conquest of Virginia by the friends of her first antislavery invader; and because — how and why is not yet explained — a speedy trial of the leaders would result in a benefit to his followers in jail: these were the reasons, as extraordinary as inhuman, advanced by the prosecution why a wounded man's request should be refused by a Court of Justice; not one of them, by all the rules of law, either pertinent or just, and one of them the strongest argument why the case should b3 protracted. The graver the crime, the more lenient the law should be in granting opportunities of defence to the accused. The Judge's reply ignores this salutary rule, and assumes that it was necessary to try the prisoners at that particular term of the Court! With every faculty undimmed, with every legal facility around him, with able lawyers and a Pardoning Power unpledged against the exercise of his highest prerogatives, the prisoner had a right to demand a postponement of the trial until the prejudices of the people were less excited against him.

The physician was called, and swore, of course, that the old man was able to go on with the trial, and did not think that his wounds were such as to affect his mind and recollection. [305]

The Court, accordingly, refused to postpone the trial.


Impanelling a jury.

The afternoon session, which lasted three hours, was occupied in obtaining a jury. At this time no Republican reporters were permitted to enter Charlestown, or had succeeded in obtaining entrance to the prison or Court. Hence, for the only accounts of the trial, we are obliged to accept the statements of John Brown's bitterest foes. This is their report of that afternoon's proceedings:

The jailer was ordered to bring Brown into Court. He found him in bed, from which he declared himself unable to rise. He was accordingly brought into Court on a cot, which was set down within the bar. The prisoner lay most of the time with his eyes closed, and the counterpane drawn up close to his chin. The jury were then called and sworn. The Court excluded those who were present at Harper's Ferry during the insurrection and saw the prisoners perpetrating the act for which they were about to be tried. They were all from distant parts of the country, mostly farmers — some of them owning a few slaves, and others none. The examination was continued until twenty-four were decided by the Court and counsel to be competent jurors. Out of these twenty-four, the counsel for the prisoner had a right to strike off eight, and then twelve are drawn by ballot out of the remaining sixteen. The following were the questions put to the jurors: Were you at Harper's Ferry on Monday or Tuesday? How long did you remain there? Did you witness any of the proceedings for which this party is to be tried? Did you form or express any opinion, from what you saw there, with regard to the guilt or innocence of these people? Would that opinion disqualify you from giving these men a fair trial? Did you hear any of the evidence in this case before the Examining Court? What was your opinion based on? Was it a decided one, or was it one which would yield to evidence, if the evidence was different from what you supposed? Are you sure that you can try this case impartially from the evidence alone, without reference to any thing you have heard or seen of this transaction? Have you any conscientious scruples against convicting a party of an offence to which the law assigns the punishment of death, merely because that is the penalty assigned?

[306]

But these statements give no just notion of the manner of impanelling the juries in the trials of the Liberators. As they were all similarly conducted, it will be proper here to quote, from the graphic sketches of an eye witness, a description of the impanelling of the jury who tried Edwin Coppie.

Let me endeavor to represent to you how some of the jurors in these cases are qualified.

A stolid and heavy man stands up before the judge to answer the necessary questions. His countenance is lighted only by the hope of getting a chance to give his voice against the wounded man upon the ground. You can see this as plainly as if he told you.

Judge. Were you at Harper's Ferry, sir, during these proceedings?

Juror. No, sir.

Judge. You are a freeholder of this county?

Juror. Yes, sir.

Judge. Have you heard the evidence in the other cases?

Juror. (Eagerly.) Yes, sir.

Judge. I mean, if you have heard the evidence, and are likely to be influenced by it, you are disqualified here. Have you heard much of the evidence?

Juror. No, sir.

Judge. Have you expressed any opinion as to the guilt of these parties?

Juror. Yes, sir, (eagerly again.)

Judge. Are you, then, capable of judging this case according to the evidence, without reference to what you have before heard said?

Juror. Yes, sir.

Judge. Have you any conscientious scruples, which will prevent you finding this man guilty, because the death penalty may be his punishment?

Juror. Yes, sir, (promptly.)

Judge. I think you do not understand my question. I ask you if you would hesitate to find this man guilty, because he would be hung if you did?

Juror looks around puzzled, overcome by the abstract nature of the proposition?

Judge. This man will be hung if you find him guilty. Will that certainty of his being hung prevent you from finding him guilty, if the evidence convinces you he is so? [307]

Juror. (Catching the idea.) No, sir — no, sir.

Judge. Very well, sir; you can take your seat as a juror.

Mr. Botts, who had solemnly promised to John Brown to defend him faithfully, did not fulfil this moral and professional obligation, for a jury was obtained without delay and without any objection on his part. The names of these unfortunate men2 were announced, but they were not sworn till the following day.

At five o'clock, the prisoner was carried over to jail on his cot, and the Court adjourned till morning.

1 It is true that the slaves did not join John Brown. But why? Because they had not time to know his design, and to act, ere their heroic liberators were either killed or imprisoned. But one negro, I know,--a slave of Washington,--whom Governor Wise pretended had probably been killed by Captain Cook in endeavoring to return home, was shot in the river as he was fighting for freedom. I know this fact from one of John Brown's men who saw him. I have positive knowledge, also, of sixteen slaves who succeeded in escaping from Harper's Ferry.

2 They were — Richard Timberlake, Joseph Myers, Thomas Watson, Jr., Isaac Dust, John C. McClure, William Rightsdale, Jacob J. Millar, Thomas Osborne, George W. Boyer, John C. Wiltshare, George W. Tapp, and William A. Martin.

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