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[246] in the national politics slavery was, and must be made, the main question, all efforts of existing parties to the contrary notwithstanding. In this they differed from Orestes A. Brownson, who, vaunting his own practicality, asserted: ‘Our enquiry should be, What is the1 question for to-day? . . . The question for to-day is the currency question.’ And Brownson, of course, merely expressed the prevailing sentiment of the electorate at large.2 The more sanguine and less patient temperaments among the abolitionists were beginning to feel that an anti-slavery party was an indispensable sign of the recognition of the main question, and their number was swelled when the fall elections of 1838 brought some disappointments: neither in Ohio nor in New York had the abolition vote affected the result as decidedly or extensively as was anticipated. It had not ‘come out,’ it had not discriminated. The impulsive Gerrit Smith was so far discouraged as to recommend3 new anti-slavery organizations of non-pro-slavery voters. ‘Let this be done,’ he said, ‘and the present antislavery societies will, of course, fall speedily to the ground.’ Mr. Garrison, on the other hand, objected to any ‘alteration in our constitutions with the vain hope4 of making morally dishonest men politically just.’

Logically, philosophically, and historically, it was the South that was dragging slavery into politics. The annexation of Texas (for the spread of the institution and the assured control of Federal legislation in regard to it), which was unremittingly prepared in that ‘Republic’ and at Washington, was a high political question; the proposed admission of Florida as an additional slave5

1 Lib. 8.169.

2 In the terse language of Francis Jackson, catechising Abbott Lawrence as to his views on abolition in the District, and resistance to the admission of more slave States (Oct. 18, 1839): ‘We thank God for the cheering conviction that not many years will pass before the sentiment must become prevalent in at least one-half this Union, that Man is more than Money; that the time is coming when that Whiggism will be deemed hypocritical, and that Democracy contemptibly spurious, which profess to find dangers to liberty in a Bank or a Sub-Treasury, while their fellow-man is perishing in the chains that one blow would strike from his limbs’ (Ms.)

3 Lib. 8.186, 201; 9.18, 31.

4 Lib. 8.186.

5 Lib. 8.111.

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