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travel anywhere in the world but men will throw this troublesome question in his face?”
Well, it is all his fault [pointing to Mr. Garrison]. [Enthusiastic cheers.]
Now, when we come to talk of statesmanship, of sagacity in choosing time and measures, of endeavor, by proper means, to right the public mind, of keen insight into the present and potent sway over the future, it seems to me that the Abolitionists, who have taken — whether for good or for ill, whether to their discredit or to their praise this country by the four corners, and shaken it until you can hear nothing but slavery, whether you travel in railroad or steamboat, whether you enter the hall of legislation or read the columns of a newspaper,--it seems to me that such men may point to the present aspect of the nation, to their originally avowed purpose, to the pledges and efforts of all your great men against them, and then let you determine to which side the credit of sagacity and statesmanship belongs.
Napoleon busied himself, at St. Helena, in showing how Wellington ought not to have conquered at Waterloo.
The world has never got time to listen to the explanation.
Sufficient for it that the Allies entered Paris.
In like manner, it seems hardly the province of a defeated Church and State to deny the skill of measures by which they have been conquered.
It may sound strange to some, this claim for Mr. Garrison of a profound statesmanship.
Men have heard him styled a mere fanatic so long, that they are incompetent to judge him fairly.
“The phrases men are accustomed,” says Goethe, “to repeat incessantly, end by becoming convictions, and ossify the organs of intelligence.”
I cannot accept you, therefore, as my jury.
I appeal from Festus to Caesar; from the prejudice of our streets to the common sense of the world, and to your children.
Every thoughtful and unprejudiced mind must see that such an evil as slavery will yield only to the most radical
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