Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3

Chapter 7: first Western tour.—1847.

The intervening months were spent in the usual manner —in editorial drudgery, in occasional lecturing, in attendance at the three great anniversaries in Boston and New York. Opposition to the Mexican War, and reiterated⁵ appeals for a peaceable dissolution of the Union, were the regular anti-slavery work of the year, to which was added support of the Wilmot Proviso, or the attempt in Congress⁶ to ensure freedom to the territory certain to be acquired, by force or purchase, of Mexico. In Massachusetts, little was needed to maintain the Legislature in its attitude of⁷ aversion to the war, or to procure its endorsement of the Proviso; but to disunion it of course turned a cold⁸ shoulder.

As usual, too, Mr. Garrison's lecture topics embraced religion and peace as well as abolition; and in the philanthropic anniversary month we have a glimpse of him amid kindred spirits. The Rev. Samuel May, Jr.,⁹ writes to Mary Carpenter from Boston, May 29, 1847: [188]

We had an exceedingly interesting meeting yesterday¹⁰ afternoon and evening, at the house of Rev. Theodore Parker, in this city. He styled it, in his notes of invitation, a “ Council of Reformers,” and the object was to discuss the general principles of Reform, and the best means of promoting it. Let me give you the names of some of those present—Ralph Waldo Emerson, Amos B. Alcott, William Henry Channing, James F. Clarke, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, Mrs. M. W. Chapman, Mrs. Follen, James and Lucretia Mott and daughter of Philadelphia, Caleb Stetson, John L. Russell, Francis Jackson, Charles Sumner, Samuel G. Howe, E. H. Chapin, Joshua P. Blanchard, Samuel E. Coues of Portsmouth, Elizur Wright, Jr., Walter Channing. I have not yet given all the names. It was a matter of deep interest even to see this collection of the men alive of our neighborhood and day. From 4 to 10 P. M., with a short interval for tea, a most spirited conversation was held on all the great Reform subjects of the day. I am more than ever convinced that the Anti-Slavery Reform carries all others with it, and that its triumph will be theirs.

Mr. Garrison set out from Boston on the 2d of August, 1847. With the utmost disinterestedness, Edmund Quincy¹¹ had again assumed the charge of conducting the Liberator in his absence, neither of them foreseeing how long a time would elapse before the editor could resume his chair. [189] Nor, happily, could Mrs. Garrison realize that her husband, whose health latterly had been far from good, was taking¹² leave of her at a risk surpassing that of the voyage to England the year before. The progress of his tour, in which he was to have the companionship of Frederick Douglass, can best be show n from his letters to her:

W. L. Garrison to his Wife.

Philadelphia, Aug. 3, 1847.

¹³ A year ago, this day, I arrived in London, and was,¹⁴ therefore, at a distance of three thousand miles from you. Now I am in Philadelphia, some three hundred miles away. So far as separation is concerned, it is the same whether we are hundreds or thousands of miles apart; but then, as a matter of speedy return, it is a matter of very great consequence as to what the relative distance may be. I could be with you in less than twenty-four hours, if necessary—that is comforting. . . .

Our trip from Norwich to New York was as serene and quiet¹⁵ as possible, where we arrived at 5 o'clock. At 9 o'clock, I¹⁶ crossed the ferry and took the cars for Philadelphia—arriving at 2 o'clock, J. M. McKim being at the wharf to escort me to the dear home of our beloved friends, James and Lucretia Mott, who gave me a warm reception, of course.

August 7.

¹⁷ Our three-days' meeting at Norristown closed last evening, and a famous time we have had of it. Every day, two or three¹⁸ hundred of our friends from Philadelphia came up in the cars, and the meetings were uniformly crowded by an array of men and women who, for thorough-going anti-slavery spirit and solidity of character, are not surpassed by any in the world. Douglass arrived on the second day, and was justly the ‘lion’¹⁹ of the occasion, though a considerable number participated in²⁰ the discussions; our friend Lucretia Mott speaking with excellent propriety and effect. Thomas Earle was present to annoy us, as usual. Our meetings were not molested in any manner, excepting one evening when Douglass and I held a meeting after dark, when a few panes of glass were broken by some rowdy boys while D. was speaking. It was a grand meeting, nevertheless, and the house crowded with a noble auditory to the end. The meetings will have a powerful effect in the prosecution [190] of our cause for the coming year. It was worth a trip from Boston to Norristown merely to look at those who assembled on the occasion. I regret that I have as yet found no time to write a sketch of this anniversary for the Liberator. As Sydney H. Gay was present, both the Standard and Pennsylvania Free-²¹ man must be referred to for an account of it, prior to any that I shall be able to make of it.

This morning, we leave in the cars for Harrisburg, which, though the capital of the State, is very much under the influence of Slavery. I do not anticipate a quiet meeting, but we shall bear our testimony boldly, nevertheless.

W. L. Garrison to his Wife.

Harrisburg, Aug. 9, 1847.

²² On Saturday morning, Douglass and I bade farewell to our kind friends in Philadelphia, and took the cars for this place,²³ . . . a distance of 106 miles. Before we started, an incident occurred which evinced something of that venomous pro-slavery spirit which pervades the public sentiment in proportion as you approach the borders of the slave States. There is no distinction made at Philadelphia in the cars on account of complexion, though colored persons usually sit near the doors. Douglass took a seat in one of the back cars before I arrived; and, while quietly looking out at the window, was suddenly accosted in a slave-driving tone, and ordered to ‘get out of that seat,’ by a man who had a lady with him, and who might have claimed the right to eject any other passenger for his accommodation with as much propriety. Douglass quietly replied, that if he would make his demand in the form of a gentlemanly request, he would readily vacate his seat. His lordly commander at once laid violent hands upon him, and dragged him out. Douglass submitted to this outrage unresistingly, but told his assailant that he behaved like a bully, and therefore precluded him (D.) from meeting him with his own weapons. The only response of the other was, that he would knock D.'s teeth down his throat if he repeated the charge. The name of this man was soon ascertained to be John A. Fisher of Harrisburg, a lawyer; and the only palliation (if it be one) that I hear offered for his conduct is, that he was undoubtedly under the influence of intoxicating liquor. This was a foretaste of the violence to be experienced on our attempting to lecture here, and which I anticipated even before I left Boston. [191]

Though the cars (compared with our Eastern ones) look as if they were made a century ago, and are quite uncomfortable, yet the ride was far from being irksome, on account of the all-pervading beauty and opulence of the country through which we passed, so far as a fine soil and natural scenery are concerned. We passed through the counties of Philadelphia, Chester, Lancaster, and a portion of Dauphin, and, through the whole distance, saw but a single spot that reminded us of our rocky New England. Arriving at 3 o'clock, we found at the depot,²⁴ awaiting our coming, Dr. Rutherford, an old subscriber to the²⁵ Liberator, and his sister-in-law, Agnes Crane, both of them true and faithful to the anti-slavery cause in the midst of a perverse and prejudiced people; and also several of our colored friends,²⁶ with one of whom (Mr. Wolf, an intelligent and worthy man) Douglass went home, having previously engaged to do so; while I went with Dr. Rutherford, and received a cordial welcome from his estimable lady.

The Court House had been obtained for us for Saturday and²⁷ Sunday evenings. Hitherto, nearly all the anti-slavery lecturers have failed to gather any considerable number together; but, on this occasion, we had the room filled, some of the most respectable citizens being present. At an early period of the evening, before the services commenced, it was evident that mischief was brewing and an explosion would ultimately follow. I first addressed the meeting, and was listened to, not only without molestation, but with marked attention and respect, though my remarks were stringent, and my accusations severe. As soon, however, as Douglass rose to speak, the spirit of rowdyism began to show itself outside of the building, around the door and windows. It was the first time that a ‘nigger’ had attempted to address the people of Harrisburg in public, and it was regarded by the mob as an act of unparalleled audacity. They knew nothing at all of Douglass, except that he was a ‘nigger.’ They came equipped with rotten eggs and brickbats, firecrackers, and other missiles, and made use of them somewhat freely—breaking panes of glass, and soiling the clothes of some who were struck by the eggs. One of these bespattered my head and back somewhat freely. Of course there was a great deal of yelling and shouting, and of violent exclamation—such as, ‘Out with the damned nigger,’ etc., etc. The audience at first manifested considerable alarm, but I was enabled to obtain a silent hearing for a few moments, when I told the meeting that if this was a specimen of Harrisburg decorum [192] and love of liberty, instead of wasting our breath upon the place, we should turn our backs upon it, shaking off the dust of our feet, etc., etc.

W. L. Garrison to his Wife.

Pittsburgh, Aug. 12, 1847.

²⁸ I endeavored to complete a letter for you at Harrisburg, before leaving for this place on Monday morning, but was able²⁹ to write only a portion of one before it was time to be at the depot. In my perplexity, not knowing what else to do, I requested a colored friend to finish my letter, explaining to you the reason why he did so, and put it into the post-office. He promised to do so, and I hope was faithful to his promise. As I left off, just as I was giving you the particulars of the rowdyish outbreak at our meeting at H., I requested Mr. Brown to mention that no attempt was made to molest me, and that Douglass escaped without any serious injury, although he was struck in the back by a stone, and a brickbat just grazed his head. All the venom of the rowdies seemed to be directed against him, as they were profoundly ignorant of his character. . . .

On Sunday forenoon and afternoon, we addressed our colored³⁰ friends in their meeting-house at H., at which a number of white ones were also present. The meetings were crowded, and a most happy time we had indeed. Not the slightest molestation was offered.

On Monday, we left Harrisburg in the cars for³¹ Chambersburg, a distance of fifty-four miles. On arriving, to our serious regret we found that the ticket which Douglass obtained at H. for Pittsburgh enabled him to go directly through in the 2 o'clock stage, while I should be compelled to wait until 8 o'clock (it proved to be 11 o'clock) in the evening. This was annoying and unpleasant in the extreme. Douglass had a hard time of it, after we parted. The route over the Allegheny mountains, although a very beautiful and sublime one, is a very slow and difficult one, and, with a crowded stage, in a melting hot day, is quite overpowering. It seemed to me almost interminable—almost equal to a trip across the Atlantic. Douglass was not allowed to sit at the eating-table, on the way,³² and for two days and nights scarcely tasted a morsel of food. 0, what brutality! Only think of it, and then of the splendid reception given to him in all parts of Great Britain! On his arriving at Pittsburgh, however, a different reception awaited [193] him, which was also intended for me. A committee of twenty white and colored friends, with a colored band of music, who had sat up all night till 3 o'clock in the morning, met him³³ to welcome him to the place, and to discourse eloquent music to him. Of course, they were greatly disappointed at my not coming at that time.

I arrived towards evening, entirely exhausted, but soon³⁴ recovered myself by a good warm bath. A meeting had been held in the afternoon in the Temperance Hall, which was ably addressed by Douglass. In the evening, we held one together in the same place, crowded to overflowing.—[August 13.] Yesterday, Friday [Thursday], we held three large meetings, two³⁵ of them in the open air, and concluded last night with the greatest enthusiasm. I have seen nothing like to it on this side of the Atlantic. The place seems to be electrified, and the hearts of many are leaping for joy.

This morning, Saturday [Friday], we are off for New Brighton, where we are to have a meeting this afternoon,³⁶ and others to-morrow. I have not a moment of time, scarcely, left to myself. Company without end—meetings continuously from day to day—little or no sleep—it is [with] the greatest difficulty I can find time to send you a single line in regard to my tour. As for the Liberator, I cannot give any sketch for the public eye, but hope to be able to do so in a few days.

W. L. Garrison to his Wife.

Youngstown [Ohio], Aug. 16, 1847.

³⁷ I scribbled a few hasty lines for you at Pittsburgh, just before leaving that busy, though dingy and homely city—a city which so closely resembles the manufacturing towns in England that I almost fancied I was once more on the other side of the Atlantic. So, too, the enthusiasm manifested at our meetings was altogether in the English style. For example, at the close³⁸ of our last meeting, three tremendous cheers were given to Douglass, three for Foster, and three for myself. Everything³⁹ passed off in the most spirited and agreeable manner.

On Friday, we took the steamer for Beaver, on the Ohio⁴⁰ River, . . . and from thence rode to New Brighton in an omnibus, some three or four miles, accompanied by several of our colored Pittsburgh friends—J. B. Vashon and son (George B.), Dr. Peck, Dr. Delaney (editor of the Mystery, black as jet,⁴¹ [194] and a fine fellow of great energy and spirit), and others— where we had a most cordial welcome from Milo A. Townsend and his wife and parents, Dr. Weaver, Timothy White, etc., etc. Milo is one of the truest reformers in the land, and wields a potent reformatory pen, but his organ of hope is not quite large enough. There seems to be no branch of reform to which he has not given some attention.

New Brighton is a small village of eight hundred inhabitants, but there are several other villages in its immediate neighborhood. There have been a good many lectures on slavery given in it by our leading anti-slavery lecturers such as Stephen and A. K. Foster, Burleigh, Pillsbury, Douglass, etc.; but the people⁴² generally remain incorrigible. The secret is, they are much priest-ridden—thus confirming afresh the assertion of the prophet, ‘like people, like priest.’ The Hicksite Quakers⁴³ have a meeting-house here, but they are generally pro-slavery in spirit. No place could be obtained for our meeting excepting the upper room of a large store, which was crowded to excess, afternoon and evening, several hundred persons being present, and many other persons not being able to obtain admittance. In the evening, there were some symptoms of pro-slavery rowdyism outside the building, but nothing beyond the yelling of young men and boys. Over our heads in the room, were piled up across the beams many barrels of flour; and while we were speaking, the mice were busy in nibbling at them, causing their contents to whiten some of our dresses, and thinking, perchance, that our speeches needed to be a little more floury. . . . The meetings were addressed at considerable length by Douglass and myself, and also by Dr. Delaney, who spoke on the subject of prejudice against color in a very witty and energetic manner. Douglass was well-nigh run down, and spoke with much physical debility. . . .

Saturday forenoon, Milo [Townsend], Dr. Peck, Dr. Weaver,⁴⁴ Charles Schirras, and myself, ascended a very steep eminence across the river, three hundred feet high, where we had a beautiful prospect, reminding me somewhat of the view from the top of Mount Holyoke, at Northampton, though it was not so fine or extensive, of course. . . . On reaching Milo's house, I was thoroughly tired out, and wet through and through by the perspiration. Indeed, throughout our journey, the weather has been uniformly and exceedingly warm, and I have been ‘wet to the skin’ nearly all the time. To make frequent and long harangues, under such circumstances, is [195] quite overpowering. I have never perspired so much in my life. The quantity of water thus exuded through the pores of the skin has astonished me, and I marvel that anything is left of me in the shape of solid matter.

Saturday afternoon, at 4 o'clock, Dr. Peck (he is a fine,⁴⁵ promising colored young man, son of my old friend John Peck, now of Pittsburgh, and formerly of Carlisle), who has lately graduated at the Rush Medical College at Chicago, Douglass and I, took passage for this place (a distance of forty⁴⁶ miles) in a canal-boat, it being the first trip of the kind I had ever made on a canal. The day was excessively hot, and on the way one of the horses was almost melted, and came within a hair's-breadth of losing his life. Colored persons are not allowed, usually, to sit at the table at regular meals, even on board of these paltry canal-boats, and we expected to have some difficulty. When the hour for supper arrived, the captain came to us, and said he had no objection to our sitting down together, but he did not know but some of the passengers would object. ‘We will go and see,’ said I, with my feelings somewhat roused. Happily, no objection was made. Berths were also given to us all, but it was impossible for me to sleep in so confined an atmosphere, as the cabin was small and thronged. The scenery on the route was very pretty.

At 4 o'clock yesterday morning (Sunday) we arrived here,⁴⁷ and immediately came up to the ‘Mansion House,’ kept by N. Andrews. It is a ‘rum tavern,’ but the landlord (strange to say) is friendly to our cause, and generally entertains the abolition lecturers without charge. This world presents some queer paradoxes, and this is one of them. Yesterday, we held⁴⁸ three meetings, in a beautiful grove, which were well attended. During the day, the burden fell chiefly upon me, as Douglass was entirely exhausted and voiceless. I am afraid his old throat complaint, the swelling of the tonsils, etc., is upon him. He left for Salem after dinner, accompanied by Samuel Brooke,⁴⁹ a distance of forty miles. J. W. Walker, S. S. Foster, and Dr. Peck helped to fill up the gap at the meetings. To-day, I⁵⁰ leave for New Lyme (forty miles off), where the annual⁵¹ meeting commences on Wednesday, and will continue for three days. Thus far, I have stood the fatigues of the tour better than I anticipated. As yet, I have not had a word of intelligence from home. I trust you have written to me at Salem.

[196]

W. L. Garrison to his Wife.

New Lyme [Ohio], Aug. 20, 1847.

⁵² On our way to this place, we stopped on Monday night at⁵³ a tavern in Hartford, a place settled originally by emigrants from Hartford, Ct.⁵⁴ In the evening, a lecture was advertised to be given on Phonography by a Mr. Alexander (an abolitionist), in the meeting-house. Before the meeting, the lecturer and a deputation of persons waited upon me, and urged me to go over and address the assembly at least for a few minutes, as there was a great curiosity to see me. I complied with their request, and spoke about fifteen minutes in favor of Phonography, and thus enabled the good folks to take a peep at the ‘elephant,’ but without his ‘trunk.’

On Tuesday afternoon, we arrived at this little village, the⁵⁵ place selected for holding our grand convocation in this State⁵⁶ —the anniversary of the Western Anti-Slavery Society. Just after our arrival, a very severe rain-storm ensued, accompanied with heavy thunder and vivid lightning. It was well for our clothes, if not for our skins, that we escaped it. A great change in the weather at once took place, and the next day it was so⁵⁷ cold that I wanted to be sitting by a rousing fire to feel comfortable. The clouds were dark and lowering, and it rained more or less frequently during the day. Our great tent, capable of holding four thousand persons, which was put up the day before, was blown down by the wind during the night, and, as it was thoroughly saturated with the rain, it required considerable effort to erect it again.

Notwithstanding the unpropitious state of the weather, at an early hour vehicles of various descriptions began to pour into the place in great numbers. A small meeting-house or academy, close to the tent, was occupied by the Ladies' Fair, which I have, as yet, not found time to visit; but, for want of good management, I am told it is not likely to realize any considerable amount of funds for the cause, though I believe they have a good variety of articles. We held two meetings in the tent on the first day, which were attended by a large concourse, among⁵⁸ them some of the choicest friends of our cause in the land— ay, and choicest women, too. Messrs. Giddings and Tilden,⁵⁹ members of Congress, who have nobly battled for freedom in that body, were also present. After the organization of the [197] meeting, a poetical welcome to Douglass, Foster, and myself,⁶⁰ written by Benjamin S. Jones, was sung with exquisite taste and feeling by a choir, causing many eyes to be moistened with tears. I then addressed the great multitude at considerable length, and was followed by Douglass in a capital speech. In the afternoon, we again occupied the most of the time. The interest manifested, from beginning to end, was of the most gratifying character, and all seemed refreshed and greatly pleased. As the night approached, there appeared to be some symptoms of rowdyism, and it became necessary for some of our friends to watch all night, lest the tent should be damaged.

Yesterday, all day, our meetings were still more thronged—⁶¹ four thousand persons being on the ground. The Disunion question was the principal topic of discussion, the speakers being Douglass, Foster, and myself, in favor of Disunion, and Mr. Giddings against it. Mr. G. exhibited the utmost kindness and generosity towards us, and alluded to me in very handsome terms, as also to Douglass; but his arguments were very specious, and I think we had with us the understanding and conscience of an overwhelming majority of those who listened to the debate. As a large proportion of the abolitionists in this section of the country belong to the Liberty Party, we have had to bring them to the same test of judgment as the Whigs and the Democrats, for supporting a pro-slavery Constitution; but they are generally very candid, and incomparably more kind and friendly to⁶² us than those of their party at the East.

To-day (Friday), we shall close this cheering anniversary;⁶³ after which, Douglass and I must ride forty miles to attend another convention at Painesville, which commences to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock; at the conclusion of which we must take another long jaunt, to hold meetings on Sunday at Munson. Our friends here have so multiplied the meetings that not an hour is left us for rest. They are unmerciful to us, and how we are to fulfil all the engagements made, without utterly breaking down, I do not know. Douglass is not able to speak at any length without becoming very hoarse, and, in some cases, losing the ability to make himself heard. This makes my task the more arduous. On the whole, I am enabled to sustain it pretty well, and shall endeavor to act as prudently as I can.

Our reception has been very kind. The manners of the people are primitive and simple. The country, of course, looks like a newly settled one, as compared with our New England States, [198] but it is comparatively thickly settled on this Western Reserve. In regard to contributing money towards carrying forward our cause, they are not so liberal as we are at the East; indeed, money here is not usually plenty, although they have everything else in abundance.

No quotations must be made from my hasty scrawls to you for the Liberator. I have not a moment's time to prepare anything fit for the public eye, and must refer our friends at home to the Bugle for information.

My best regards to the Jacksons, Mrs. Meriam, the Wallcuts,⁶⁴ and the other dear friends. Glad shall I be when my mission is ended.

Wendell Phillips to Mrs. Garrison.

Natick [Mass.], Aug. 20 [1847].

⁶⁵ You must not think we have forgotten you. I ought to have written long ago. Dear Ann has not really been able, though she⁶⁶ has talked of you, and wanted to know this, that, and the other, which I was to have found out during my hurried visits to Boston, but, like all husbands, forgot the duty when I got to town. My time has been so hurried and filled that I have never been able to get to Pine Street, but shall yet. Those unruly boys need somebody to take them in hand. Get Francis Jackson or me to box their ears once or twice, and then they'll begin to value their non-resistant mother and father.

Ann has been very poorly ever since we left Boston—when one pain ceases, another begins, and sometimes they are not even kind enough to wait thus for each other, but very impolitely come two at once. This week, toothache even compelled her to the horrid task of coming into Boston. We shall return to little noisy, sunny, dusty, cosy, dirty, snug Essex Street very early—sometime in September.

Now for the ‘Pioneer.’ Does he do his duty and write you every other day? I'm afraid not. I've no doubt the jaunt will do his health good. He'll go dancing along, and forget Yerrinton, types, proofs and all–buying dozens of⁶⁷ newspapers at every depot so as to imagine he is enjoying the delight of looking over exchanges; but, alas, he can't cut out scraps as he does at home—for you to—burn ..

You must not add to your other cares that of writing to us, but if those girls are ever quiet—boys, I know, give no trouble —and you should find a leisure fifteen minutes, we would [199] welcome a letter–not, though, if you are going to give orders that I should not see it. That I call abominable!

How delighted Garrison will be to hear of Geo. Thompson in Parliament.⁶⁸ Tell your Geo. he must get up early to keep up⁶⁹ with his great namesake; and you may add to Wendy, that I⁷⁰ shall end in being nothing, and we look to him to exert himself and keep up the honor of the name.

Ann hopes Elizabeth has done well and you've got many⁷¹ garments made. She hears through Mrs. Garnaut (just⁷² returned from the South), that ‘there never was such a woman as Mrs. Garrison,’ etc., etc. . . . Well, I partly believe it! Remember us to W. L. G. when you write, and believe us very affectionately yours,

Ann and Wendell Phillips.

W. L. Garrison to his Wife.

Richfield, Ohio, Aug. 25, 1847.

⁷³ Our great anniversary meeting closed at New Lyme on⁷⁴ Friday, the 20th instant. The discussions of the last day were of a spirited character, and up to the last hour the audience was immense. We adjourned at half-past 2 o'clock, P. M., and were then busily engaged for some time in shaking hands and bidding farewell to a host of friends. When the dense mass moved off in their long array of vehicles, dispersing in every direction to their several homes, some a distance of ten, others of twenty, others of forty, others of eighty, and others of a hundred miles, it was a wonderful spectacle. One man (colored) rode three hundred miles on horseback to be at the meeting!

After taking some refreshment, we left New Lyme about 4 o'clock for Painesville, passing through Austinburg, and taking supper at the house of Cornelia and Betsey Cowles's brother, where we had a hearty welcome. The girls arrived with Douglass soon after we did, who remained under their roof until the next morning, when he rode over to Painesville. The girls⁷⁵ are very fine singers, especially Cornelia, and we sang together a number of songs before we left. Dr. Peck . . . was my companion—Mr. Jackson, a colored citizen of P., carrying us in his two-horse vehicle to the house of Deacon Horace Ensign [200] at Madison, where we arrived between 10 and 11 o'clock at night. The deacon had invited us at New Lyme to spend the night at his house, but had retired with his family to rest, supposing we had concluded to stop in Austinburg. He, and his son and daughter, soon made their appearance, and about midnight all was quiet again. The deacon is a Liberty Party man, but very kind and hearty in his feelings towards us, and his house is always open to anti-slavery lecturers and runaway slaves.

After breakfast, the next morning, we rode to Painesville,⁷⁶ Lake County (within three miles of Lake Erie), arriving at 10 o'clock. It is a very pleasant and well-built village, the prettiest and most populous of any that we have yet seen– containing about 1500 inhabitants. The Telegraph, a Whig paper, is the only paper printed in it. The politics of the place are strongly Whig. The same remark applies to nearly every town and village on the Western Reserve.⁷⁷ Not having been invited to stop with any one at P., we went to Higley's tavern to brush off the dust, wash ourselves, and prepare for the meeting. The landlord came out and took off our luggage, supposing that Dr. Peck was Mr. Douglass. I requested him to show us a chamber, and he did so, without saying a word. As soon as he left us, I said to my friend Peck, ‘Dr., I am inclined to think, from the looks of the landlord, that our company is not desirable here.’ In a few minutes a person came into our room, saying that his name was Briggs—that he was the brother of the present Governor of Massachusetts—that he had taken⁷⁸ the liberty of introducing himself to us in consequence of a conversation he had just had with the landlord, who declared to him that no nigger could be allowed to sit at his table, and that if any such attempt were made, there would be a muss— not that he had any objection himself, but his boarders would not allow it. A genuine specimen of American democratic, Christian colorphobia. Mr. Briggs invited us to his house, and we accordingly left the tavern. Our meeting was convened in a grove in the immediate vicinity, and several hundred persons were present. Gen. Paine, a lawyer (Liberty Party), presided. The day was fine, and the attention given was all that we could desire. Most of the day's talking devolved on me. Frederick's⁷⁹ voice was much impaired, and he had to have a bad tooth [201] extracted during the meeting. I took dinner at Gen. Paine's with a company of friends, and at the close of the afternoon meeting I went home to spend the night with J. Gillet, a true friend of our cause, and was very hospitably treated.

On Sunday morning, Mr. Gillet carried me to Munson ⁸⁰ (fourteen miles), with his wife and another lady, in his carryall. The ride was a charming one, during which I discussed all sorts of theological questions with Mrs. Gillet, a lady of considerable quickness of intellect. On arriving at Munson, we saw the great Oberlin tent in a distant field; but no village was to be seen, and only here and there a solitary log cabin. ‘Strange,’ said I to myself, ‘that our friends should pitch their tent in such a place. From whence are we to get our audience?’ But, on going to the spot, I found a large company already assembled, and in a short time the vast tent was densely filled, even to overflowing; so that the multitude was greater than we had even at New Lyme! It was a grand and imposing spectacle. Poor Frederick was still unwell, and could only⁸¹ say a few words in the forenoon; and in the afternoon he absented himself altogether from the meeting, and put a wet bandage round his throat. This threw the labor mainly upon me, though our sterling friends S. S. Foster and J. W. Walker made long and able speeches, which aided me considerably. The enthusiasm was general and very great. We continued our meeting through the next day, with a large and most⁸² intelligent audience, and made a powerful impression. Douglass was much improved, and spoke with inimitable humor, showing up the religion of the South in particular, and of the country in general. At the close, Dr. Richmond (one of our most intelligent and active come-outers, last from the Liberty Party) offered a series of resolutions, strongly commendatory to Douglass and myself, which were unanimously adopted by a tremendous ‘Ay!’—after which six cheers were given in the heartiest manner. Altogether, it was the most interesting meeting I have ever attended in this country. . . .

Monday afternoon, we all started for Twinsburg, [Samuel]⁸³ Brooke and I coming by the way of Chagrin Falls village, . . . and Douglass, Foster, etc., going by the way of Bainbridge. In the morning we rode over to Twinsburg, where we⁸⁴ found collected in a beautiful grove about a thousand persons, whom Douglass and I addressed at great length, both forenoon and afternoon. Douglass almost surpassed himself. It was a most gratifying occasion to all, and a good work was done. We [202] were all hospitably entertained by a stanch abolitionist, Ezra Clark, a subscriber to the Liberator. As at New Lyme, Painesville, Munson, and other places, multitudes crowded around us to give us their blessing and God-speed, and to express the strong gratification they felt to see us in the flesh. A great many anti-slavery publications were sold, subscribers obtained for newspapers, etc., etc. Before dark we left for this place, at which to tarry overnight at the house of Deacon Ellsworth, on our way to Oberlin.

To-day is commencement day at O., and we shall leave here⁸⁵ soon after breakfast, hoping to arrive at O. in season for the afternoon exercises. I have long desired to see Oberlin, but do not expect to accomplish much in that place, as we are to have only one day's meeting (to-morrow), and a good deal of prejudice is cherished against me on account of my ‘infidelity’ and ‘come-outerism.’ We are prepared, however, to give our testimony, both in regard to the Church and State, whatever may be thought or said of us.

W. L. Garrison to his Wife.

Oberlin, Aug. 28, 1847.

⁸⁶ You know that, from the commencement of the Institution in Oberlin, I took a lively interest in its welfare, particularly on account of its springing up in a wilderness, only thirteen years since, through the indomitable and sublime spirit of freedom⁸⁷ by which the seceding students of Lane Seminary were actuated. When Messrs. Keep and Dawes went over to England, a few⁸⁸ years since, to obtain pecuniary aid in its behalf from the friends of a freedom-giving Christianity, I commended them to the confidence and liberality of all British abolitionists; and while in that country with them in 1840, I did what I could to facilitate their mission. Oberlin has done much for the relief of the flying fugitives from the Southern prison-house, multitudes of whom have found it a refuge from their pursuers, and been fed, clad, sheltered, comforted, and kindly assisted on their way out of this horrible land to Canada. It has also promoted the cause of emancipation in various ways, and its church refuses to be connected with any slaveholding or pro-slavery church by religious fellowship, though it is said to be involved in ecclesiastical and political relations which impair the strength of its testimony, and diminish the power of its example. From these, if they exist, it is to be hoped it will be wholly extricated ere long, as [203] light increases and duty is made manifest. So thoroughly has the poison of slavery circulated through every vein and artery of this nation that it infects every part of the body politic, whether religiously or politically considered.

The desire that I had long cherished to visit Oberlin was⁸⁹ gratified on Thursday last. In company with Douglass, Foster,⁹⁰ Walker, and the indefatigable General Agent of the Western Anti-Slavery Society, Samuel Brooke, I arrived in season to attend the exercises of the graduating class in theology. The number of persons present was immense—not less than four thousand. The meeting-house is as spacious as the Broadway Tabernacle in New York, but much better arranged. Two of the graduates took occasion, in their addresses, to denounce ‘the fanaticism of Come-outerism and Disunionism,’ and to make a thrust at those who, in the guise of anti-slavery, temperance, etc., are endeavoring to promote ‘infidelity’! Prof. Finney, in his address to the graduates, gave them some very⁹¹ good advice—telling them that denouncing Come-outerism, on the one hand, or talking about the importance of preserving harmony and union in the church, on the other, would avail them nothing. They must go heartily into all the reforms of the age, and be ‘anti-devil all over’—and if they were not ready to do this, he advised them to go to the workshop, the farm, or anywhere else, rather than into the ministry. This was talking very plainly—but if those young men should attempt to carry his advice into practice, where could they hope to find congregations and salaries?

Yesterday, at 10 o'clock, we began our meetings in the church⁹² —nearly three thousand persons in attendance. Another was held in the afternoon, another in the evening,—and this⁹³ forenoon we have had another long session. Douglass and myself have done nearly all the talking, on our side, friend Foster saying but little. The principal topics of discussion have been Come-outerism from the Church and the State. Pres. Mahan⁹⁴ entered into the debate in favor of the U. S. Constitution as an anti-slavery instrument, and, consequently, of the Liberty Party. He was perfectly respectful, and submitted to our interrogations with good temper and courtesy. As a disputant, he is adroit and plausible, but neither vigorous nor profound. I shall say nothing about my visit here, for the public eye, until my return. What impression we made at Oberlin, I cannot say; but I was abundantly satisfied as to the apparent effect. I think our visit was an important one, and very timely withal. Douglass and [204] I have been hospitably entertained by Hamilton Hill, the Treasurer of the Institution, an English gentleman, who formerly resided in London, and is well acquainted with George Thompson and other anti-slavery friends. He is a very worthy man, and his lady is an amiable woman. . . . We dined yesterday with Prof. Hudson, and were invited to dine with Pres. Mahan⁹⁵ to-day, but could not afford the time. Prof. Morgan called to see us, but my old friend James A. Thome has given us ‘the go-by’—why, I do not know. Among others with whom I⁹⁶ have become acquainted is Miss Lucy Stone, who has just graduated, and yesterday left for her home in Brookfield, Mass. She is a very superior young woman, and has a soul as free as the air, and is preparing to go forth as a lecturer, particularly in vindication of the rights of woman. Her course here has been very firm and independent, and she has caused no small uneasiness to the spirit of sectarianism in the Institution.

But I must throw down my pen, as the carriage is at the door, to take us to Richfield, where we are to have a large⁹⁷ meeting to-day under the Oberlin tent, which is capable of⁹⁸ holding four thousand persons.

Salem, Sept. 5, 1847.

⁹⁹ Here I am, under the roof of Benj. S. and E. Jones,¹⁰⁰ with a¹⁰¹ company below stairs singing a variety of songs and hymns— the Cowles[es], from Austinburg—while I am trying to do, what I have in vain sought to do since I was at Oberlin—and that is, to finish this letter.

Our meetings at Richfield were eminently successful—five thousand present, and the weather superb. We held six meetings in all. Stopped with Dea. Ellsworth, a come-outer. From thence we went to Medina, and held two meetings in the courthouse, which was filled with an intelligent audience. The effect produced, good. We next went to Massillon, and held three meetings in the Tremont Hall, to a respectable and deeply interested assembly. Stopped with R. H. Folger, a talented lawyer and good abolitionist, and a relation of Lucretia Mott. Next we went to Leesburg, the residence of J. W. Walker—a long and tedious ride. Stopped on the way overnight at a [205] tavern in Zoar, a place owned by an association of German¹⁰² communists and highly improved. We held several meetings at Leesburg—attendance small, but much interest manifested on the part of those present. A Methodist priest wished to know whether I believed in the inspiration of the Bible. This led to a rich scene. Stopped with Mr. Millisack, an old subscriber to the Liberator, who has a beautiful situation. On the way from Leesburg to this place, stopped for the night at a miserable tavern in Augusta, and arrived here yesterday¹⁰³ morning, and had the happiness to obtain a letter from you, giving me the assurance of all being well at home. Of course, I devoured every word of it greedily.

We have held four immense meetings here—two yesterday¹⁰⁴ and two to-day—five thousand persons on the ground. Our friends are in the best possible spirits. The tide of anti-slavery is rising daily. Everything looks encouraging. This afternoon, while a vast concourse was assembled in the tent, just as I had concluded my speech, a thunder-storm broke upon us, and the rain poured down in torrents, giving us all a pretty thorough baptism; but the people would not disperse, and we looked the storm out of countenance, and wound up gloriously. Our dear friends James and Lucretia Mott are here—Lucretia has spoken twice from our platform, and will go with us to other places. To-morrow we leave for New Lisbon—on Tuesday and¹⁰⁵ Wednesday we must be at Warren—on Thursday and Friday at Ravenna—on Saturday and Sunday at Cleveland—and then farewell to Ohio! My health is good, but I am excessively jaded out. Write to me at Syracuse. Love to everybody.

W. L. Garrison to his Wife.

Cleveland, Ohio, Sept. 18, 1847.

¹⁰⁶ The bitter with the sweet—the thorn with the rose. Here I am—on my back; of course, ‘looking up,’ literally. I came to this place just a week ago (with Douglass) to complete my¹⁰⁷ mission to Ohio, expecting to leave for Buffalo on Monday.¹⁰⁸ Our first meeting was held in the large Advent Chapel, and was densely crowded, hundreds not being able to gain admittance. Sunday forenoon, we held another crowded meeting in the same¹⁰⁹ place; in the afternoon, to accommodate the throng, we went into a pleasant grove, where we addressed a large auditory. The effect produced at all these meetings seemed to be excellent. [206]

Unfortunately for me, the atmosphere in the grove was damp, and it sprinkled occasionally during the meeting—the clouds being very dark and lowering. But this, in itself, was a very trifling circumstance. My labors, for the last four weeks, had been excessive—in severity far exceeding anything in my experience. Too much work was laid out for both Douglass and myself, to be completed in so short a time; yet it was natural that our Ohio friends should wish to ‘make the most of us’ whilst we were in their hands. Sunday night was a¹¹⁰ very restless one to me, and on Monday morning I arose¹¹¹ feeling as if my labors in Western New York must be dispensed with. My brain was terribly oppressed and highly inflamed —my system full of pain—my tongue began to give symptoms of a fever that might be more or less protracted—and I felt indescribably wretched. In an hour, as it were, I was a crushed man—helpless as an infant. During the day I went to the bed to which I am still confined. . . . In the evening, feeling it would be imprudent longer to tamper with so determined a foe, I sent for Dr. Williams, a skilful homoeopathic physician, and gave myself unreservedly to his care. My case he soon ascertained to be that of a bilious, intermittent type, with a tendency to typhoid. Tuesday, Wednesday, and¹¹² Thursday were days of great restlessness, distress, and anxiety; the fever was upon me in its strength; not a moment's sleep could I realize, day or night. It reminded me of my scarlatina sickness, though it was not quite so dreadful as that.¹¹³

Yesterday, I began to feel better, and have since been¹¹⁴ improving up to the present hour. I am now decidedly convalescent, though still exceedingly weak, as a matter of course. In the course of another week, I expect to be so far recovered as to leave for home. Eight hundred miles is the distance which separates us—200 by steam across Lake Erie, and 600 miles by railroad from Buffalo to Boston. This would be formidable indeed without the power of steam.

Now, my dear, I have given you the worst of the case, that you may have no scope left for the imagination. Possibly you may see the following paragraph, which appeared (very imprudently indeed) yesterday in the True Democrat:¹¹⁵ Mr. Garrison was so unwell as to be unable to proceed to Buffalo with his friends on Monday last. He is now at Mr. Jones's, quite low with the bilious fever. Visitors are prohibited by his physician from calling upon him. Thomas Jones.

It is true that, for a day or two (so numerous were the calls upon me), Dr. Williams forbade visitors coming to my room, but [207] this was only a wise injunction. As my case is becoming known, it naturally brings in many persons, both from the city and neighboring villages, to make inquiries after my health. Benjamin and J. Elizabeth Jones of Salem have been to see me; so has a sister of S. S. Foster, who is residing here. George Bradburn is a daily visitor at my bedside. Everybody is kindly offering me all needed assistance. Fortunately, I am in one of the best families in the world,¹¹⁶ and have everything done for me, by day and by night, that you could desire. I miss nothing, need nothing, but your dear presence and that of the darling children. God preserve you all from harm. A thousand kisses for them—as many for you—on my return. Should you have written to me at Syracuse, I shall get the letter, as I intend to spend a day with dear S. J. May. Douglass left here on¹¹⁷ Tuesday noon.

Your improving husband.

Nothing but the indiscreet newspaper report of Mr. Garrison's condition could have justified his putting pen to paper at this stage of the disease. The relief which it brought to his distracted wife was followed by a fortnight of acute anxiety before her husband's recovery could positively be announced. On October 4 he was able to¹¹⁸ dictate letters, but was still confined to his bed, which he¹¹⁹ did not leave till October 13. On the following day he was joined by Henry C. Wright, who had returned from Europe in September, and, hearing in Boston first on¹²⁰ October 8 of his friend's condition, had travelled as fast as the elements would permit to his bedside. On the 18th the sick man, after five weeks of prostration, during which his life had hung in the balance, was able to drive out.¹²¹

W. L. Garrison to his Wife.

Cleveland, Oct. 19, 1847.

¹²² I am going to try to write you a few lines, ‘with my own hand,’ as Paul says; but whether I shall succeed, or not, is at least problematical. My hand is unsteady, and I am too weak as yet to make an effort of any kind without considerable difficulty. [208]

The arrival in Cleveland of dear H. C. Wright took me almost¹²³ as much by surprise as if he had descended from the clouds. Of course, I was very deeply affected by his presence; but though my heart leaped to see him, I almost felt to regret that a few dear friends had taxed themselves to defray the expenses of his long journey from Boston to this city. But it is another instance of their unbounded kindness to me, and it presses upon my heart somewhat heavily. I am so glad that you did not come with him, much as I yearn to see you; for, under all the circumstances, it would have been not only a useless and expensive, but a very imprudent act. Indeed, at no stage of my illness did I deem it at all advisable to send for you. I am specially glad, therefore, that you deemed it not best to come at this late period, during my convalescence. But my heart's overflowing gratitude to those generous friends who offered to defray all the expenses of your journey!

On another account, nothing could have been more opportune than the journey of H. C. W. at this time. The great National Liberty Party Convention will meet at Buffalo to-morrow and¹²⁴ next day, and the occasion will doubtless be one of tremendous interest and excitement. There will, I think, be a complete blowup of the party. In order that we may have a correct report of its proceedings, and ‘gather up the fragments that nothing may be lost,’ I have urged Henry (as there is really nothing for him to do here) to go to Buffalo, and there watch the Convention as a cat does a mouse, allowing nothing to escape, and putting down in his note-book everything worth recording. Disliking to part from me, he at first hesitated; but, seeing the importance of having that body looked after, he consented to go, and accordingly took the steamer this forenoon for Buffalo¹²⁵ (accompanied by Samuel Brooke, who is also going on to Boston), where he will remain until my arrival at B., which I trust will¹²⁶ be in all this week.

You will be glad to hear that I rode out yesterday, and enjoyed the ride, and also to-day with benefit. I am now only waiting for the arrival of S. S. Foster, who expects to be here on Thursday, when, if the weather be fair, we shall leave on Friday for¹²⁷ Buffalo. In the course of a fortnight from this date, I hope to embrace you and the children in my arms.

I have lost twenty pounds of flesh by my illness, and am quite thin and weak. This effort has been most exhausting to me. I must stop. Best regards to all.

Your weary but loving husband.

[209]

W. L. Garrison to his Wife.

Cleveland, Oct. 20, 1847.

¹²⁸ As on a previous occasion, I received a letter from you last evening only an hour or two after I had mailed one for you. It came quite unexpectedly, and its contents were of a comforting character. To be assured that all is well at home, and that you lack for nothing, is a very great relief to my mind. O, the blessing of health! It is seldom appreciated until it is taken from us. I hope to prize it, hereafter, more highly than I have hitherto done.

The kind and unceasing attentions of our esteemed friends, Mr.Wallcut and Mrs. Wallcut,¹²⁹ to which you gratefully allude, certainly demand of me the liveliest expressions of thankfulness. These you will proffer to them. Our indebtedness to them is very great, and ever increasing.

You also refer to the kind and efficient assistance rendered by Mrs. Garnaut. She is one of the ministering spirits of Love and¹³⁰ Goodness in this world–too rare, alas!—and but for whom the world would present a dreary aspect indeed. Give her my warmest remembrances. . . .

I cannot specify the friends to whom I desire to be affectionately remembered. None of them are forgotten.

It is a most painful effort for me to write. This short letter has cost me the labor of hours.

P. S.-H. C. Wright will accompany me as far as Albany, and from thence go to Philadelphia. S. S. Foster will go with me as far as Worcester; and Samuel Brooke will go with me all the way through to Boston. You must have a bed ready for him.¹³¹

Is it not strange that Douglass has not written a single line to me, or to anyone in this place, inquiring after my health, since he left me on a bed of illness?¹³² It will also greatly surprise our [210] friends in Boston to hear that, in regard to his project for establishing a paper here, to be called the North Star, . . . he never opened to me his lips on the subject, nor asked my advice in any particular whatever! Such conduct grieves me to the heart. His conduct [about the] paper has been impulsive, inconsiderate, and highly inconsistent with his decision in Boston. What will his English friends say of such a strange somerset? I am sorry that friend Quincy did not express himself more strongly against this project in the Liberator. It is a delicate matter, I know, but¹³³ it must be met with firmness. I am sorry to add, that our friend Samuel Brooke is at the bottom of all this, and has influenced Douglass to take this extraordinary step, as he thinks the Bugle might as well be discontinued, or merged in Douglass's paper! Strange want of forecast and judgment. But no more now.¹³⁴

While Mr. Garrison is overtaking his companion at Buffalo, we may pause to consider the state of the Liberty Party about to meet in that city, for the last time in its collective capacity. Rather it was a question whether the organization was not already done for. In the second week in June a Fourth Party had gone out from it,¹³⁵ forming a Liberty League at Macedon Lock, N. Y., under the auspices of J. G. Birney, Gerrit Smith, William¹³⁶ Goodell, Beriah Green, William L. Chaplin, James C. Jackson, and others. Its twenty articles consisted of those ‘extraneous topics’ which began to press for admittance as soon as the Third Party had been launched¹³⁷ [212] on the nominal basis of immediate emancipation,—as, for example, free trade, direct taxation, abolition of the Government monopoly of carrying the mails,¹³⁸ disbanding of the army and navy (‘no human government’ heresy), distribution of the public lands. Gerrit Smith was¹³⁹ nominated for the Presidency.

‘Our old enemy, Liberty Party,’ wrote Wendell Phillips to¹⁴⁰ Elizabeth Pease in August,

is fulfilling, oh, how exactly! our prophecies in 1840. I never saw predictions so accurately verified. We said she would be obliged to adopt more than one principle (hatred to slavery) before she would increase. Lo! Goodell and all New York have confessed it, and joined the Democrats on Free Trade, the Land Reformers on Land Limitation, etc., etc.,—19 points in all. (In Goodell's Declaration of Principles there was a ludicrous sentence. He began by laying down the principle that every immortal and responsible agent was entitled to share in the Government; hence he inferred the right of universal suffrage for men, forgetting that there were other ‘immortal and responsible agents’ in the world, the women! But he dared not add woman's rights as the 20th point to his 19—that would have lost numbers, the prime aim of parties.) It was prophesied that the party would be obliged to desert its main principle, separate organization, in any real anti-slavery struggle. It did so in the only two it has met—in New York, on the Constitution; in New¹⁴¹ Hampshire, on J. P. Hale's election.¹⁴² It was prophesied that when [213] pressed it would be forced to gain strength by selecting for candidates men not of their party. Leavitt, desirous to equal Goodell, is about to select Hale as their Presidential candidate —a man never of their party. It was prophesied that so fast as men became politicians, they would cease to be frank-spoken, active reformers; and so it has proved. Liberty Party as such is dying, and merging under other names in other movements.

The New York bolt was distasteful to the Eastern wing of the Liberty Party. Samuel Fessenden of Maine wrote to the Emancipator: “I feel chafed at the idea of our greatest and best men lugging in, as seems to me, by the head and shoulders, so many things to embarrass and cripple our great and glorious cause in which we are engaged. How have we blamed Garrison, and that class of anti-slavery men, for bringing in and mingling with the cause so many exciting topics!” Lib. 17.106.¹⁴³ The schismatics strenuously sought to postpone the national convention¹⁴⁴ at Buffalo till the spring of 1848, but were overruled. The two factions meantime met at the State Convention¹⁴⁵ held at Worcester, Mass., in September, when a resolution indirectly nominating John P. Hale for President was voted down after an acrimonious debate. On October [214] 21 this outcast of the Democratic Party (thanks to¹⁴⁶ his manly opposition to the annexation of Texas and the¹⁴⁷ Mexican War) received the nomination of the convention at Buffalo.

It was, however, a strong Gerrit Smith delegation which¹⁴⁸ H. C. Wright accompanied on the boat from Cleveland. For six hours during the passage the saloon was crowded with a caucus over which Owen Lovejoy presided, with George Bradburn and Asa Mahan among the disputants as to men and measures. What was left undiscussed overnight was taken up the next morning. The drift was for a diversity of planks in the party platform, and, by general consent, land reform should be one; nor did the Western mind shrink from anticipating that woman suffrage might ultimately be another. Some wild talk concerning the power of Congress to abolish slavery in the States, and the power of the President in disregard of the Supreme Court, was heard and noted by Mr. Wright.

Two days and nights were consumed by the Convention¹⁴⁹ in adjusting differences. Joshua Leavitt led the Eastern wing, with the aid of Henry B. Stanton, whose politician's progress had been shown in January at a Liberty Party¹⁵⁰ Convention in Faneuil Hall, Boston, where he said openly that there were in the community ‘a set of soulless scamps¹⁵¹ that could only be brought into our cause by the prospect of office; and if the Liberty Party could only get 40,000 votes, as a capital to trade upon, they would soon have these miserable scamps jumping upon their backs to ride¹⁵² into office.’ Quite naturally at Buffalo he joined Leavitt in contending that the Liberty Party was not a permanent party, whereas Gerrit Smith and the Liberty Leaguers insisted that it was or should be, and should at once consider and advocate all the interests which ought to be represented in a civil government, in order to put them in practice on taking office. Leavitt was likewise in opposition to Goodell and Gerrit Smith and¹⁵³ Lysander Spooner on the question of the constitutionality of [215] slavery; they holding that ‘no Constitution, no¹⁵⁴ legislative enactments or judicial decisions, are law unless they are in accordance with natural justice’—an accordance which the President was at liberty to determine for himself. The Convention avoided taking the position that Congress could emancipate in the States, and admitted the existence of slave representation under the Constitution by declaring the three-fifths ‘allowance’ unrepublican, and demanding its abrogation. The New England delegation went in a body for Hale of New Hampshire,¹⁵⁵ already the Presidential nominee of his own select little¹⁵⁶ party of Independent Democrats. As an opponent of slavery, his claims fell far short of those of many a¹⁵⁷ Whig—for example, of Giddings. Birney's claims, too,¹⁵⁸ whether for perpetual nomination, or for incense, or (now that he was physically disabled) for sympathy,¹⁵⁹ were wholly ignored by the Convention.

All this furnished food for conversation between Wright and Garrison as they journeyed Eastward to the invalid's home. Invalid he remained for two months after his arrival, suffering a partial relapse, and quite incapacitated¹⁶⁰ up to the end of the year from taking any part in the conduct of the Liberator. Moreover, the finances of the paper,¹⁶¹ owing to an ill-advised reduction of the subscription price¹⁶² at the opening of the volume, were a weight upon his spirits.

On the other hand, the state of the abolition cause gave no occasion for despondency. The war with Mexico had greatly enlarged the freedom of utterance in Congress on¹⁶³ the subject of slavery; and the prospective territorial annexations, as they deeply affected the Constitution of the existing Union, called forth the liveliest protests from¹⁶⁴ Northern States against any further extension of the area controlled by the Slave Power. Even the State of Delaware was among these protestants, and made so near an¹⁶⁵ approach to enacting gradual emancipation for herself¹⁶⁶ that Calhoun, forecasting the balance of power in¹⁶⁷ Congress, reckoned her on the side of the free States. Significant, [216] though abortive, movements of the same kind were also made during the year in Kentucky and West¹⁶⁸ Virginia, and these facts effectually dispose of the silly allegation that the abolitionists hindered spontaneous emancipation on the part of the South. Henry Clay so far chimed in with the sentiment of his native State as to oppose, in a public speech at Lexington, the¹⁶⁹ dismemberment of Mexico, or the acquisition of territory for slaveholding propagandism.

Other symptoms that the occupation of the City of¹⁷⁰ Mexico by the American army of invasion did not mean a truce to the ‘irrepressible conflict’ were the passage, or attempted passage, of laws to protect colored citizens¹⁷¹ against the slave-hunter and the kidnapper by Northern States not already thus fortified; the secession of the New York Young Democracy (Barnburners) on the issue of slavery extension; and the consequent carrying of the State election by the Whigs by a vast majority—a prophecy, as it seemed to Edmund Quincy, of the new¹⁷² birth of a great Northern party.

The Wilmot Proviso was the token of the growing Northern purpose to make a stand on the principle of non-extension of slaveholding, slave soil, and slave representation. Offered in the House, and carried, as an¹⁷³ amendment to the ‘Three Millions Bill’—or the measure¹⁷⁴ providing for the purchase of a peace with Mexico—it was met in the Senate by John C. Calhoun, in the most important speech of the year. He showed that the slave¹⁷⁵ States were already in a minority in the House of Representatives and in the Electoral College; in the Senate they were evenly balanced against the North, fourteen to fourteen. It was now proposed to stay Southern increase, and give full play to Northern preponderance.

‘Sir,’ declared Calhoun,

the day that the balance between¹⁷⁶ the two sections of the country—the slaveholding States and the non-slaveholding States—is destroyed, is a day that will not be far removed from political revolution, anarchy, civil war, and widespread disaster. The balance of this system is in the slaveholding [217] States. They are the conservative portion—always have been the conservative portion—always will be the conservative portion; and, with a due balance on their part, may, for generations to come, uphold this glorious Union of ours. But if this policy should be carried out—if we are to be reduced to a handful—if we are to become a mere ball to play the Presidential game with—to count something in the Baltimore caucus —if this is to be the result—wo! wo! I say, to this Union!

The Territories, he declared, were the common property of both sections. Every State coming into the Union had a right to determine whether it would be slave or free. ‘There is,’ he added, with that lack of humor which topsy-turvy morality begets, ‘but one qualification, and that is, that the Government shall be republican.’ He would have consented to an extension of the Missouri Compromise line, which had, however, twice been voted down. But he did not believe in such settlements. Prophetically he remarked, on this head: ‘A compromise is but an act of Congress. It may be overruled at any time. It gives us no security. But the Constitution is stable. . . . Let us go back and stand upon the Constitution!’ So, for the sake of that institution which he pronounced ‘indispensable for the good of both races,’¹⁷⁷ he offered what Benton denominated, with good reason, a string of abstractions and firebrands.

‘There is,’ wrote Mr. Garrison on March 1, 1847, to Richard¹⁷⁸ Webb,

no other question so universally discussed as that of slavery, and within the last six months a most surprising change in public sentiment has undeniably taken place. The cowardly pro-slavery war which our national Administration is waging with Mexico, is producing a mighty reaction against the Slave Power, and, out of the slave States, is generally regarded with abhorrence. Mr. Calhoun, who is the Napoleon of slavery, is evidently anticipating a “Waterloo defeat,” in due season. You will see his speech in the last number of the Liberator. He does not attempt to hide his fears as to the future. Unless slave States can be added to the Union as fast as free States, his cherished system of diabolism must ultimately be overturned. Mark his language. He is a man who means what he says, and who never blusters. He is no demagogue.