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[47] York. The platform was thronged by men already or since eminent in public life, or in various departments of professional, business, or literary activity. The chairman, William Curtis Noyes, of high rank at the bar, on taking the chair, gave a sketch of the career of James Otis, the patriot leader of the Revolution, in fame and suffering for the cause of liberty the counterpart and forerunner of the orator of the evening, whom he introduced as ‘the advocate and friend of all, of whatever rank or condition or color; the scholar, the philanthropist, the martyr, the statesman.’ Nothing could exceed the enthusiasm which greeted the senator as he stepped forward.

The address was of the same purport as the speech at Worcester, though more extended and elaborate. It identified slavery and disunion in our past history as well as in the present struggle, and with a view to prevent further compromise pronounced against the concessions to slavery proposed at various periods, and notably after Mr. Lincoln's election, the stress of his argument was upon the institution of slavery as the sole cause of all the trouble, and the sole support of the rebellion. He said:—

All must see, and nobody will deny, that slavery is the ruling idea of this rebellion. It is slavery that marshals these hosts and breathes into their embattled ranks its own barbarous fire. It is slavery that stamps its character alike upon officers and men. It is slavery that inspires all, from general to trumpeter. It is slavery that speaks in the word of command, and sounds in the morning drum-beat. It is slavery that digs trenches and builds hostile forts. It is slavery that pitches its wicked tents and stations its sentries over against the national capital. It is slavery that sharpens the bayonet and runs the bullet; that points the cannon and scatters the shell,—blazing, bursting unto death. Wherever this rebellion shows itself, whatever form it takes, whatever thing it does, whatever it meditates, it is moved by slavery; nay, the rebellion is slavery itself,—incarnate, living, acting, raging, robbing, murdering, according to the essential law of its being.

He insisted that with the advance of our armies emancipation was a military necessity; and with greatest emphasis he asserted the absolute need of moral forces as our allies in the struggle. He said:—

It remains for us to encounter the rebellion calmly and surely by a force superior to its own. To this end something more is needed than men or money. Our battalions must be reinforced by ideas, and must strike directly at the origin and mainspring. . . . Reason and sentiment both concur in this policy, which is according to the most common principles of human conduct.

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