[255] its society, its politicians, its cabinet ministers. I imagine you already surrounded by choice spirits. But pray tell me something of the scene. The mission to Spain was offered first to Montgomery Blair, who was indignant, saying that he had refused the post when he was a young man during the administration of Polk, and he complained to Seward that he had not pushed him for the chief-justiceship against Chase. Seward said that he had “presented his papers,” and that Blair was “his candidate.” Blair thought that if Seward had been much in earnest he could have prevented Chase's nomination. President Lincoln selected Hale for the mission to Spain] out of general kindness and good — will to the “lame ducks.” Hale had lost his seat in the Senate, and the President wished to break his fall. He had been urged for Paris. He brought a paper to me recommending him, and wished me to sign it. I said at once, “I am your friend, and shall speak to you frankly. You ought not to desire the mission to Paris.” Fifteen or twenty senators signed it. President Lincoln afterwards read to me the list of names with comments. I then pressed Mr. Everett for Paris. It was at a later day that he let me know of the treaty with Bennett of the “Herald.” 1To Mr. Bright, August 8:—
My early prophecy in 1862 will be fulfilled, and nobody hanged for treason . . . . Meanwhile the day of tranquillity and reconciliation is still further postponed. Some of our friends are in great despair; I am not. The good cause cannot be lost. My counsel has been to put off the question. Neither party is ready to accept in proper spirit any final settlement. The former masters are as little ready for equality as the freedmen; but the latter are the better prepared. I think Congress will be disposed to settle the great question on proper principles. Thus far there is more agreement among us than I have ever known at any other stage of our protracted controversies. General Grant was here last week. He told me that he had mustered out eight hundred thousand men, leaving two hundred thousand still on the rolls, of whom one hundred and thirty thousand were ready for the field. On our foreign policy he was very positive. He regarded the French invasion of Mexico as “a part of the rebellion,” which ought now to cease. He kept twenty-five thousand men in Texas beyond police necessities on this account, making an annual cost of twenty-five millions of dollars, which we must charge to Louis Napoleon. He cared little whether England paid “our little bill” or not; upon the whole, he would rather she should not, as that would leave the precedent of her conduct in full force for us to follow, and he wished it understood that we should follow it. He thought that we should make more out of “the precedent” than out of “the bill,” and that Boston especially would gain. Of course, General Grant has no official connection with our foreign relations, but his weight in the country gives value to his opinion. I need not say that I dissented from his policy most resolutely. I told him that our true object should be to bring the two countries into relations of harmony and good-will;