Chapter 21: military History.
At the second meeting of the Court of Assistants after their arrival at Charlestown, Sept. 7, 1630, ‘half a year's provision’ was made for ‘Mr. Patrick and Mr. Underhill;’ and at the next meeting, three weeks later, the sum of fifty pounds was assessed upon ‘the several plantations, for the maintenance’ of the same persons.1 These were the commanders of the incipient militia. Of Daniel Patrick, Winthrop says, ‘This Captain was entertained by us out of Holland (where he was a common soldier of the Prince's guard) to exercise our men. We made him a captain, and maintained him.’2 He resided a short time in Watertown, but came to Cambridge before May 1, 1632,3 and remained here until Nov. 1637, when he removed to Ipswich, and subsequently to Stamford, Connecticut, where he was killed by a Dutchman in 1643. During his residence here, the tract of upland surrounded by marsh, on which the Powder Magazine stands at the foot of Magazine Street, was granted by the town to him; and since that time it has been known as ‘Captain's Island.’ Thus, for five years, from 1632 to 1637, Cambridge was the Headquarters of one of the two principal military commanders. And when a more perfect organization of the militia was made, Dec. 13, 1636, the whole being divided into three regiments, Cambridge had a large share of the honors. Thomas Dudley, one of the founders of the town, was appointed lieutenant-colonel of the first regiment; and seven years later he was elected Major-general of all the militia. It was further ordered, ‘Charlestowne, Newetowne, Watertowne, Concord, Deddam, to bee another regiment, whearof John Haynes, Esqr., shalbee colonell, and Rogr. Herlakenden, Esqr., leiftenant colonell.’4 Both were Cambridge men; the former had been Governor of [397] Massachusetts, and was afterwards for many years Governor of Connecticut; the latter was one of the Assistants, and remained in office, both civil and military, until Nov. 17, 1638, when he departed this life. At the session of the General Court, commencing March 9, 1636-7, officers were appointed to command the militia in the several towns: ‘For Newetowne, Mr. George Cooke chosen captain; Mr. Willi: Spencer, leiftenant; Mr. Sam: Shepard, ensign.’5 All these exhibited a military spirit. Captain Cooke was one of the earliest members of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company in 1638-9, was its captain in 1643, and when a similar company was incorporated in Middlesex County, May 14, 1645, he was its first captain. Having performed faithfully many military and civil services here,6 he returned to England near the end of 1645, was a colonel in Cromwell's army, and sacrificed his life in the service of the Commonwealth, being ‘reported to be slain in the wars in Ireland in the year 1652.’7 Lieutenant Spencer was one of the corporate members of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, 1638-9, in which year he removed to Connecticut, where, as well as here, he was an active and useful civil officer.8 Ensign Shepard returned to England with Captain Cooke, being excused by the General Court in October, 1645, from further attendance as a member, ‘being to go for England.’ He was a Major in Cromwell's army, and very probably in Colonel Cooke's regiment. He is represented in Mitchell's Church Record, 1658, as then living in Ireland, where he probably died about 1673. It does not appear that either of these officers was engaged in the short and decisive Pequot War, which occurred shortly after they were commissioned;9 but in September, 1643, but ‘it was agreed that we should send three commissioners, with a guard of forty able men to attend them, which have authority and order to bring Samu: Gorton and his company, if they do not give them satisfaction. The three commissioners are Capt. George Cooke, Humfrey Atherton, and Edward Johnson; and Capt. Cooke to command [398] in chief, and Hum: Atherton to be his Leift: of the military force.’10 When Captain Cooke returned to England in 1645, the General Court thought ‘meet to desire Mr. Joseph Cooke to take care of the company in the absence of the Captain, and till the Court shall take further order, and that John Stedman be established ensign.’11 Nov. 11, 1647. ‘Mr. Joseph Cooke, upon his petition, is freed from exercising the company at Cambridge, and from being compellable by fine to attend upon every training hereafter.’12 About this time Daniel Gookin removed to Cambridge, and probably was the next Captain of the trainband, of which he retained the command about forty years. He was commander-in-chief of the militia in Middlesex County during that terrible contest which is generally denominated ‘Philip's War,’ or the ‘Narragansett War,’ even before he attained the rank of Sergeant-major.13 He wrote the instructions to Captain Joseph Sill,14 Nov. 2, 1675, to ‘take charge of the soldiers raised from Charlestown, Watertown, and Cambridge, which are about sixty men,’ and to go forth against the enemy, closing thus: ‘so desiring the ever-living Lord God to accompany you and your company with his gracious conduct and presence, and that he will for Christ's sake appear in all the mounts of difficulty, and cover all your heads in the day of battle, and deliver the bloodthirsty and cruel enemy of God and his people into your hands, and make you executioners of his just indignation upon them, and return you victorious unto us, I commit you and your company unto God, and remain your very loving friend, Daniel Gookin, Senr.’15 The names of some of the Cambridge soldiers may be gleaned from the few military documents preserved. It appears that in November, 1675, John Adams, Daniel Champney, John Eanes, David Stone, and Samuel Stone, Jr., were impressed as ‘troopers,’ or cavalry. On the 26th day of the same month, Corporal [399] Jonathan Remington, and Isaac Amsden, Jacob Amsden, John Amsden, Gershom Cutter, William Gleason, James Hubbard, Jonathan Lawrence, Nathaniel Patten, Samuel Read, John Salter, Samuel Swan, Edward Winship, Jr., Daniel Woodward, and John Wyeth, were impressed by order of Captain Gookin, to whom the Corporal reported, Dec. 3, 1675, that all his men were ready, except as follows: ‘Edward Winship, his father tells me he is or will be released by the council; John Salter, he saith his master will give him his time, and so will take no care to fit him out; how he will be provided I know not; John Wyeth is not yet come to his father's, neither can I hear any tidings of him.’16 These three men were not mustered. The names also of Capt. Thomas Prentice, Lieut. William Barrett, Cornet Edward Oakes (afterwards styled Lieutenant), and several soldiers who served in this war, are found in the Massachusetts Archives, and in an Account Book of Treasurer Hull, preserved in the Library of the New England Historic-Genealogical Society.17 ‘Captain Daniel Gookin was by the whole Court chosen and appointed to be sergeant major of the regiment of Middlesex,’ May 5, 1676.18 Before this election, however, he performed the duties proper to that office. Thus, on the 11th of January, 1675-6, ‘the committee of militia of Charlestown, Cambridge, and Watertown,’ were ‘ordered and required to impress such armor, breasts, backs, and head-pieces, and blunderbusses, as you can find in your respective towns, and to give express and speedy order that they be cleaned and fitted for service, and sent in to Cambridge to Captain Gookin at or before the 15th of this instant, by him to be sent up to the army by such troopers as are [400] ordered to go up to the army.’19 And on the 25th of April, Captain Gookin received instructions as ‘Commander-in-chief of all the forces of horse and foot in this expedition, for the service of the Colony, against the enemy.’20 A letter addressed by him to the Council for the management of the War affords a glimpse of the magnitude of the perils which then beset the Colony, and the spirit in which they were met: ‘Honored sirs, I received your orders after I was retired to rest; but I suddenly got up and issued forth warrants for the delinquents, and sent away the warrant to Capt. Prentice, and also sent warrants to the commanders-in-chief of Charlestown, Watertown, Cambridge, and the Village, Malden, and Woburn, to raise one fourth part of their companies to appear at Cambridge this morning at eight a clock. But I fear the rain and darkness of the last night hath impeded their rendesvous at the time; but sometime to-day I hope they will appear, or at least some of them. I judge, if the Captains do their duty in uprightness, there may be about 100 men, or near it. I have written to Capt. Hammond to send up Capt. Cutler to conduct this company; I am uncertain about his compliance; I desire your order, in case of failure, and also directions to what rendesvous to send this company when raised. It is a very afflictive time to be called off, considering we have planting in hand this week, and our fortification21 pressing upon our shoulders. But God sees meet to order it so that this rod must smart sharply. I pray let me have your directions sent away with all speed. I stay at home on purpose to despatch these soldiers. So with my dutiful respects to your honored selves, I remain your assured friend and servant, Daniel Gookin, Senr. May the first, 1676.’22 Four days after the date of this letter, May 5, 1676, Capt. Gookin was elected Sergeant-major of the Middlesex Regiment, and at the General Election, May 11, 1681, he became Major-general of all the militia in the Colony, which office he [401] retained until the Charter Government was abrogated in 1686, when he was seventy-four years of age. Up to this time military service was required of all able-bodied men. Such service commenced at the age of sixteen years; but I have not found a limit prescribed for its close. Special exemption was granted to privates at various ages. April 1, 1656, ‘Edward Goffe of Cambridge, aged about 63 years, having long been serviceable both to town and country, and now disenabled as well by infirmities of body as age, is by this court released from all ordinary trainings. And he is to make such annual allowance to the military company as himself shall see meet.’23 Ordinarily, five shillings per annum was required to be paid in consideration of such exemption, as in the case of Gilbert Crackbone, April 6, 1658, and Robert Parker and William Mann, October, 1658,24 all Cambridge men. So also, June, 1659, ‘William Kerley,25 aged about 76 years, is released from all ordinary trainings, paying 5s. per annum to the use of the military company in the town where he dwelleth.’ In the Middlesex Court Files of 1659 is preserved a document without date, entitled, ‘Reasons, showing why old men of sixty years are not to train:’— First. From the word of God, though not in express terms, yet by consequence, may be gathered, that if the Levites were to be dismissed at fifty years from their service at the tabernacle, then much more old men at sixty from training, which is the practice of our native country, to take in at sixteen years and dismiss at sixty, which is agreeable to our neighbor plantations to do the like. 2ly. The Scripture doth hold forth, by way of allusion, that it is an act of cruelty. Deut. VI. The words are these: if a bird's nest be upon a tree or upon the ground, be they young or eggs, thou shalt not take the dam with the young, but in any wise thou shalt let the dam go, and take the young to thee, that it may be well with thee. Doth God count it an act of cruelty to put no difference between old and young in an unreasonable creature, and shall not man shun cruelty towards the reasonable? If your children come in at sixteen years, well may their fathers be taken out at sixty. ‘3ly. Old men of sixty years have not the organs of nature to handle their arms, and are overborne with heat and cold, having [402] many natural infirmities, and are slow in action; that which was their delight, when young, is their burden being old. For old men to attend common training, to stand forth with every young boy to answer to his name, and it may be stand three or four hours together, till his joints be stiff and numb, that he can scarce go upon his legs,— surely such practice cannot be pleasing to God; and then not to be suffered nor approved on by men; but we hope our wise and godly magistrates will take it into serious consideration, and relieve such as are thereby oppressed.’ This appeal was not immediately successful, as appears by the petition of a Cambridge man in 1673: ‘I would intreat that favor of this honored Court, that I may be freed wholly from training any more, as one not being able to perform that service by reason of a consumptive cough I have had about a year and a half, and other weakness of body that attend me, besides my age which is very near 63 years; so that I find that exercise, when standing so long upon the ground, very prejudicious and destructive to my health, as I found by experience the last training day, although it was a warm day. So committing myself to your worships favor I rest your humble servant. Tho. SWOeTMAN. The 8 (8) 73.’26 In 1689, the term of service had been shortened. ‘All the inhabitants from sixteen to sixty years in each town are by the law and constant custom of the country to bear arms, if occasion shall require.’27 But, although the private soldiers were released from further service, on attaining three score years, their officers sometimes voluntarily served until a much later period of life. A notable example of this long-continued devotion to official service was exhibited by Captain Samuel Green, the veteran printer, who was sergeant in the expedition against Gorton, as before stated, in 1643, ensign in 1660, and on the 27th of June, 1689, became a captain. Of him it was stated, in an obituary notice of his son Bartholomew, that ‘this Captain Green was a commission officer of the military company at Cambridge, who chose him for above sixty years together; and he died there, Jan. 1, 1701-2, ae. 87, highly esteemed and beloved both for piety and a martial genius. He took such great delight in the military exercise, that the arrival of their training days would always raise his joy and spirit; and when he was grown so aged that he could not walk, he would be carried out in his chair into the field, to view and order his company.’28 [403] In the warfare with the French and Indians, during most of the time for more than thirty years after the government of the Province was organized under the new charter, Cambridge furnished both officers and soldiers, of whom, however, the lists are imperfect. Among the officers may be included John Leverett, Esq. (afterwards President of the College), who, with his associates, Col. Elisha Hutchinson and Col. Penn Townsend, received instructions from Governor Dudley, July 3, 1707, as ‘joint commissioners for the superior command, conduct, rule and government of her majesty's forces on the expedition to Nova Scotia and L'Accadie.’29 Andrew Belcher, previously of Cambridge, was Commissary five years before 1708.30 In the expedition against Port Royal, which sailed from Nantasket Sept. 18, 1710, Edmund Goffe was Lieut.-colonel of the regiment whereof William Tailer was Colonel and William Dudley was Major. Samuel Gookin (grandson of General Gookin) was a Lieutenant in the company commanded by Capt. Robert Handy.31 In the Minutes of Council, when raising troops for an expedition against Canada in 1711, are some memoranda concerning Cambridge men: June 20, ‘Mr. Daniel Foxcroft spoken with to be sub-commissary in this expedition, and accepted.’ June 21, ‘Capt. Gookin32 and Capt. Phips to be sent to for riding officers.’ June 22, ‘Mr. Sheriff Gookin and Capt. Sam33. Phips accepted to ride the circle for hastening the troops’ (Gookin commanded a company in this expedition). June 23, Lieut.-col. Goffe and Major Jonas Bond to provide quarters for the troops ‘of the north of Charles River, appointed to rendezvous at Cambridge.’34 Col. Edmund Goffe submitted a memorial to Lieut.—gov. Dummer, in 1724, when the Province was engaged in a war with the Indians, representing that ‘in the month of July last past,’ he ‘was commissionated and appointed to be Colonel of all the forces in the western frontiers of Middlesex and Essex, together with the town of Brookfield, by his Honor the Lieutenant Governor,’ and that he had visited all the stations at great personal expense, and at the hazard of his life; he reported the ‘number of men now in the service of this Government in the towns following, viz.: Dunstable, 40; Dracut, 12; Almsbury, 10; Haverhill, 12; Groton, 14; Lancaster, 14; Turkey-Hills, 12; Rutland, 25; Brookfield, 10; total, 149.’35 At a later period, Rev. [404] Ammi-Ruhamah Cutter (a Cambridge man), H. C. 1725, having been dismissed from his charge at North Yarmouth, served his country as Captain several years before his death, which occurred at Louisburg in March, 1746.36 Next after Colonel Goffe, William Brattle was for many years the most prominent military character. He attained the rank of Major as early as 1728, when he was only twenty-two years old; Colonel, before March, 1739; Adjutant-general in 1758; Brigadier-general, as early as 1760, and Major-general of the militia throughout the Province in 1771. During the French War, which commenced in 1753 (though not formally declared until 1756) and continued until 1763, he was active and energetic in the raising of troops and the general administration of military affairs in the Province; but in the Army Cambridge seems to have had no officer of higher rank than Captain.37 I have gleaned from the muster rolls, preserved in the State House, the names of probably only a portion of the Cambridge officers and privates who served in that war. Of officers, Capt. Thomas Adams, Capt. William Angier, Lieut. Leonard Jones, and Ensigns Joseph Chadwick and John Dickson. Of staff and noncommissioned officers, Samuel Dean, Chaplain; Francis Moore, Surgeon; John Wright, Surgeon's Mate; Daniel Barrett, Downing Champney, John Demont, Benjamin Manning, Abraham Osborn, and James Lanman, Sergeants; William Baldwin, Jason Batherick and William Butterfield, Corporals. Somewhat [405] more than one hundred names of private soldiers are preserved; and although the list is probably far from perfect, it is inserted in a note.38 One of the papers in the Massachusetts Archives commemorates the good service of a Cambridge officer and its recognition by the General Court: ‘Province of the Massachusetts Bay. To his Excellency Francis Bernard, Esq., Captain General, Governor, and Commander-in-Chief, in and over his Majesty's Province aforesaid, the Honble his Majesty's Council, and the Honble House of Representatives in General Court assembled at Boston, December, 1763,— Humbly sheweth William Angier of Cambridge, that on the second day of November, A. D. 1759, he was Captain of a company in Col. Joseph Frye's Regiment, stationed at Fort Cumberland in Nova Scotia: that the Regiment appearing inclined to mutiny, and refusing to do duty because (they said) the time they enlisted for expired the day before; and as there was no troops arrived to relieve the Regiment, the Fort would undoubtedly fall into the hands of the enemy, if the Regiment (as they threatened) should desert it, Col. Frye, to prevent their desertion, ordered the several Captains to demand from the men their arms; in consequence of which order your petitioner mustered his Company on the parade and demanded [406] of every man his gun:— that Elisha Jackson, the second man to whom he made this demand, not only refused to deliver his gun, but made great resistance; and upon your petitioner's seizing the gun, he with great force and violence thrust one end of it against his breast; and as several of the men at the same time cocked their guns, your petitioner apprehending his life to be in great danger, and at the same time knowing it was his duty if possible to put his Colonel's orders into execution, was obliged to draw his sword and with it (to intimidate the rest of the men) strike at the said Jackson, who, by endeavoring to ward it off, had some of his fingers cut. However, by this behavior of your petitioner, it is the opinion of Col. Frye and the other officers that a general mutiny was at that time prevented, and the Fort preserved from falling into the enemy's hands (your petitioner's company being the first to whom the Colonel's orders were communicated), as Col. Frye is ready to testify to your Excellency and Honors, and as appears by the annexed affidavits. Notwithstanding which, the said Jackson, soon after his return to this Province, sued your petitioner for striking at him as aforesaid, and at the Superior Court, held in Charlestown in January last, the Jury gave a verdict for your petitioner to pay him six pounds and costs (although the Honble Judges all gave their opinion to the Jury in your petitioner's favor), by which means your petitioner has been put to very great trouble and costs. And as your petitioner was doing his duty with regard to said Jackson, and his so doing was the means of preserving the King's Fort, he most humbly requests that your Excellency and Honors would be pleased in some measure to relieve him, by making him a grant of the sum of fifteen pounds, lawful money, being the sum with the costs that said Jackson recovered of him, or that you would be pleased otherwise to interpose in his behalf, as to you in your great wisdom shall seem meet. And, as in duty bound your petitioner shall ever pray. William Angier. In the House of Representatives, Jan. 27, 1764. Read, and ordered That the sum of fifteen pounds be paid out of the public Treasury to the petitioner in full consideration for his sufferings. Sent up for concurrence. Timo. Ruggles, Spkr. In Council, Jan. 27, 1764. Read, and concurred. John Cotton, D. SecY. Consented to, Fra. Bernard.’39 General Brattle remained Major-general of all the militia in the Province until the commencement of the Revolutionary War. [407] At the same time, agreeably to the military code until that time in force, he retained the offices of Colonel of the First Middlesex Regiment, and Captain of the train-band of Cambridge. The officer in immediate command of the train-band was styled Captain Lieutenant, though ranking as Captain. Thus the records in the office of the Secretary of State show that in 1763 commissions were issued to William Brattle, Colonel, and Henry Vassall, Lieut.—colonel, of the 1st Regiment in Middlesex, also to Edward Marrett, Capt. Lieutenant, Eliphalet Robbins, 2d Lieutenant, and William Gamage, Ensign of the train-band. In 1765, Eliphalet Robbins became Capt. Lieut., William Gamage, 2d Lieut., and Seth Hastings, Ensign, who was soon afterwards succeeded by Thomas Gardner. In 1771, commissions were issued to ‘Honble William Brattle, Esq. Major General of the militia throughout the Province’; also to Honble William Brattle, Esq., Colonel; Thomas Oliver, Esq., Lieut. Colonel of the 1st Regiment in Middlesex;40 and in the same year, Thomas Gardner became Capt. Lieut., Samuel Thatcher, 2d Lieut., and John Gardner, Ensign, of the train-band, which up to that time included the militia on the south side of the river. There was another trainband in Menotomy (Arlington), of which Ephraim Frost was Captain, William Cutler, Lieut., and Daniel Brown, Ensign, in 1766; and Ephraim Frost, Captain, Daniel Brown, Lieut., and William Adams, Ensign, in 1771. There are traces also of a Cavalry company styled the Troop, whose Captain and two Lieutenants, like those of the present company of Cadets, ranked as Colonel, Lieutenant-colonel, and Major. Of this company, probably including members from several towns, some of the commanders were Cambridge men. When the Governor commenced a journey ‘by land for his other government of New Hampshire,’ Oct. 15, 1716, he ‘was met by Spencer Phips, Esq., with his Troop of horse, the Sheriff of Middlesex, and other gentlemen of the county, and by them conducted to Harvard College in Cambridge,’ etc.41 It is not unlikely that the elder Col. John Vassall may have derived his title from the command of the same company; but I find no definite designation of officers succeeding Colonel Phips until 1771, when his son David Phips was commissioned Captain, and John Vassall42 and Jonathan Snelling Lieutenants, with the rank respectively of Colonel, Lieutenant-colonel, and Major. [408] The military events in and around Cambridge at the commencement of the Revolutionary War have been so fully related in Frothingham's ‘History of the Siege of Boston,’ that I may properly forbear to travel again, step by step, over the same ground. It may suffice if I mention a few transactions in which the inhabitants of this town were actively engaged, or especially interested. Before the commencement of active hostilities, General Brattle gave place to his former Lieutenant, Thomas Gardner, as commander of the company composed of the militia in what is now Cambridge, together with those who resided in that part of the town which was afterwards Brighton. At the new organization of the military force, Captain Gardner was elected Colonel of the First Middlesex Regiment, and his Lieutenant, Samuel Thatcher, was promoted to the office of Captain. On the memorable 19th of April, 1775, when the British troops landed at Lechmere's Point (East Cambridge), under cover of the night, crossed the marshes to the Milk Row Road (now Milk Street, Somerville), and marched through Beech Street43 and North Avenue to Menotomy, and thence to Lexington and Concord, Captain Thatcher and his company were among the foremost to rally for the public defence. There is a tradition that a British soldier, becoming sick, was left at Lechmere's Point, and sought relief at the solitary house then standing there; and that the occupant of the house immediately gave the alarm at the centre of the town. Whether this tradition be trustworthy or not, there is good reason to believe that the Cambridge militia pursued the foe very early in the morning, and fully participated in the perils and the glory of that day. Their muster roll says they ‘marched on the alarm,’ and the ‘number of miles out and home’ for which they were credited, was twenty-eight,— equal to the distance to and from Concord. In commemoration of their patriotism, I insert ‘A Muster Roll of the company under the command of Capt. Saml. Thatcher, in Colo. Gardner's Regiment of militia, which marchd on the alarm, April 19, 1775:’44— Saml. Thatcher, Capt., John Walton, Lieut., Jotham Walton, 2d Lieut., Josiah Moore, Sergt., [409] Joseph Bates, Sergt., Samll. Butterfield. Sergt., James Kittle, Sergt., Thos. Fillebrown, Corp., Belcher Hancock. Corp., Joshua Gamage, Drumr., Will. Bradish, Drumr., Joseph Ayers, John Batherick, Will. Bordman, Jr., Oliver Brown, Benj. Butterfield, Edmund Bowman, Will. Brewer, John Caldwell, Walter Coxs,45 Samll. Coxs, Joseph Coxs, Solomon Cooper, Henry Dickson, Isaiah Dickson, John Dickson, John Evers, Ebenr Fisher, Stephen Frost, Jonathan Frost, David Frost, John Frost, Ebenr. Fessenden, Stephen Goddard, Benj. Goddard, Thos. Goddard, Nathaniel Goddard, Torry Hancock, Philemon Hastings, Thomas Hastings, Stephen Hastings, Will. Manning, Abel Moore, Alexander Nelson, John Phillips, Jr., Thomas Prentiss, Nathll. Prentice Daniel Prentice, Samll. Prentice, Israel Porter, Stephen Palmer, Jr., Joseph Palmer, James Stone, Robert Twadwell, Josiah Temple, Ebenr. Wyeth, Jonas Wyeth, Jonas Wyeth, Jr. Noah Wyeth, Joseph Wyeth, John Wyman, Nathan Watson, Joshua Walker, John Warland, Thomas Warland, Nathll. Wait, Thomas Barrett, James Reed, John Butterfield, Edward Fillebrown, John Prentice, Parson Smith, John Haven,Schol.46 Bangs, Schol.47 Killam, Schol.48 Cato Stedman, a Negro, Cato Bordman, a Negro. [410] A company of minute-men had previously been organized in the northwest precinct of the town, or Menotomy, under the command of Capt. Benjamin Locke, consisting of fifty non-commissioned officers and privates, twenty-five of whom are described as residents in Cambridge on the original enlistment roll, which is still extant.49 There can be no reasonable doubt that this company was actively engaged in the conflict on the 19th of April,50 and the names of its Cambridge members should be here inserted. Benjamin Locke, Capt. Solomon Bowman, Lieut. Stephen Frost, Ens. John Cutter, Sergt. Moses Hovey, Sergt. Thomas Cutter, Corpl. John Tidd, Corpl. James Fowle, Corpl. Seth Stone, Corpl. William Adams, Israel Blackington, Israel Blackington, Jr., Matthew Cox, Joseph Cox, Charles Cutter, Andrew Cutter, Joseph Frost, John Fowle, Miles Greenwood, Abraham Hill, Elisha Hastings, Zechariah Hill, John Locke, Jonathan Perry, Peter Stearns, Josiah Williams, William Winship, Cuff Whittemore (negro). This was an eventful day in Cambridge. The first detachment of British troops passed through the town, at midnight, stealthily and unmolested. The reinforcement marched openly at midday; but the militia were engaged in the distant conflict, and no opposition was offered, except the removal of the planks from the Great Bridge;51 these, however, were speedily replaced, [411] and the troops suffered little delay.52 But their retreat toward Boston was far different. From the westerly border of Menotomy to their point of departure by Beech Street into the Milk Row Road, their passage was through a flame of fire. The provincials rallied from the towns in the vicinity53 even to as great a distance as Salem, and hung upon their rear and flanks, firing upon them from every advantageous point. The British loss, in this retreat, is reported to have been ‘seventy-three killed, one hundred and seventy-four wounded, and twenty-six missing,— the most of which were taken prisoners.’54 Of the provincials the loss was less, being forty-nine killed, thirty-nine wounded, and five missing.55 This conflict has generally been called the ‘Concord Fight,’ or ‘Lexington Battle;’ but the carnage was greater in this town than in any other; greater indeed than in all others combined, if it be true, as has been stated by a diligent investigator, that ‘at least twenty-two of the Americans, and probably more than twice that number of the British, fell in West Cambridge.’56 As many as four57 native citizens were killed on the southerly side of North Avenue, a few feet eastwardly from Spruce Street, near the house then owned by Jacob Watson.58 These four, with the twenty-two slain in the northwest precinct, make a total of twenty-six,— more than half of the whole number of Americans whose lives were sacrificed on that memorable day. Among the victims were six inhabitants of Cambridge, three [412] on each side of Menotomy River.59 Jason Russell, son of Hubbard Russell, born Jan. 25, 1717, resided on the southerly side of the Main Street not far westerly from the centre of Menotomy (Arlington); ‘he barricaded his gate with bundles of shingles, making what he thought would be a good cover from which to fire on the enemy as they returned.’ The British flank-guard drove in a party of militia, who ‘rushed into Mr. Russell's house. Mr. Russell himself, being lame, was the last to reach the house, and was shot with two bullets in his own doorway; they found afterwards eleven bayonet stabs on the body of the poor old man.’ ‘The house itself was riddled with bullets, and the marks of them in many places are still visible.’60 Jason Winship, son of Jason Winship (who was drowned Dec. 26, 1762), was baptized June 28, 1730. Jabez Wyman, son of John Wyman, was born at Woburn July 24, 1710, but had long resided here. The two last named were slain at Cooper's tavern. ‘They had come up to inquire the news, and were surprised there. The landlady, Mrs. Cooper, who was just mixing flip at the bar, with her husband fled to the cellar.’61 A month afterwards, Benjamin Cooper and Rachel Cooper deposed ‘that in the afternoon of the 19th day of April last, the King's regular troops under the command of General Gage, upon their return from blood and slaughter, which they had made at Lexington and Concord, fired more than one hundred bullets into the house where we dwell, through doors, windows, &c.; then a number of them entered the house where we and two aged gentlemen were all unarmed; we escaped for our lives into the cellar; the two aged gentlemen were immediately most barbarously and inhumanly murdered by them, being stabbed through in many places, their heads mangled, sculls broke, and their brains out on the floor and walls of the house.’62 On North Avenue, near the easterly end of Spruce Street, three Cambridge men were killed: John Hicks, son of John, and greatgrandson of Zechariah Hicks, was born here, May 23, 1725. He built and resided in the house still standing on the southeasterly corner of Dunster and Winthrop streets. Among the early patriots he was active in resisting the arbitrary measures of [413] the British Government. There is a tradition among his descendants that he assisted in the destruction of the tea in Boston Harbor, Dec. 16, 1773. He is said to have been shot through the heart. Moses Richardson, born probably about 1725, was a carpenter, and resided in the house which still stands at the northeasterly angle of Holmes Place, and which was afterwards the home of Mr. Royal Morse for about three quarters of a century. Like Hicks, he was exempt from military service, on account of his age; but, like him also, he is represented to have been actively engaged in the conflict as a volunteer.63 William Marcy was a laborer, employed by Dr. William Kneeland. His origin and former residence have not been ascertained; but he seems to have been here about five years before his death.64 Tradition says he was a person of feeble intellect,— who imagined the military parade to be an ordinary training or muster, and the conflict to be a sham fight; he was sitting on a fence near the street, enjoying the spectacle, when he was shot by the British flank guard.65 At the same time and place, Isaac Gardner, Esq., of Brookline was killed. In an address at the dedication of their monument, Rev. Alexander McKenzie has embodied the traditions preserved in one of the families concerning the burial of these three victims- The son of John Hicks, a boy fourteen years old, was sent by his mother66 in the afternoon to look for his father who had been absent most of the day. He found him lying by the side of the road dead. Marcy and Richardson were near him. He procured assistance, and the bodies were lifted into a wagon and brought here for burial. But who had leisure for funeral rites? The dead alone were safe, done with duty. The living had the living to care for. One grave received them all, as with patriotic indignation against the tyranny and cruelty which hurried them to their death, with admiration and affection for their devotion [414] to the common weal, they were given to the keeping of their mother earth. The son of Moses Richardson, standing by, thought it was too bad that the earth should be thrown directly upon their faces, and getting into the trench he spread the large cape of his father's coat over his face.67 In 1870 the city erected over their remains a neat monument of Scotch granite, with this inscription: “Erected by the City, A. D. 1870. To the memory of John Hicks, William Marcy, Moses rich-Ardson, buried here. Jason Russell, Jabez Wyman, Jason Winship, buried in Menotomy. Men of Cambridge who fell in defence of the Liberty of the People, April 19, 1775. ‘O, what a glorious morning is this!’” Among the wounded, on that memorable day, was Capt. Samuel Whittemore. He was son of Samuel Whittemore of Charlestown, where he was born July 27, 1696, but early removed to Cambridge. His estate bordered on Menotomy River and his house stood on the northerly side of the Main Street, near the magnificent elms which are still preserved. He was now nearly seventy-nine years old, but yet vigorous in body and mind. In spite of the expostulations of his family, he repaired to the post of danger. His exploits and sufferings have often been related, --possibly with some embellishments in later years. He died Feb. 2, 1793, aged 96 years and six months.68 His obituary was published in the ‘Columbian Centinel’ of February 6, which I quote rather than more recent publications for obvious reasons. ‘Died at Menotomy, the 2d instant, Capt. Samuel Whittemore, Aet. 99. The manly and moral virtues, in all the varied relations of brother, husband, father, and friend, were invariably exhibited in this gentleman. He was not more remarkable for his longevity and his numerous descendants (his progeny being 185, one of which is the fifth generation), than for his patriotism. When the British troops marched to Lexington, he was 81 years of age, and one of the first on the parade; he was armed with a gun and horse-pistol. After an animated exhortation to the collected militia to the exercise of bravery, and courage, he exclaimed, “ If I can only be the instrument of killing one of my country's foes, I shall die in peace.” The prayer of this venerable old man was heard; for on the return of the troops, he lay [415] behind a stone wall, and discharging his gun a soldier immediately fell; he then discharged his pistol, and killed another; at which instant a bullet struck his face, and shot away part of his cheek bone; on which, a number of the soldiers ran up to the wall, and gorged their malice on his wounded head. They were heard to exclaim, “ We have killed the old rebel.” About four hours after, he was found in a mangled situation; his head was covered with blood from the wounds of the bayonets, which were six or eight; but providentially none penetrated so far as to destroy him. His hat and clothes were shot through in many places; yet he survived to see the complete overthrow of his enemies, and his country enjoy all the blessings of peace and independence. His funeral will be tomorrow, at 4 o'clock P. M., from his house at Menotomy, which his relations and friends are requested to attend.’ Among the disasters of the day, it should be mentioned that Seth Russell and Samuel Frost of Menotomy were taken prisoners, and remained in captivity until the 6th of June, when a general exchange was effected. The destruction of property partly appears in a report submitted to the Provincial Congress, by a committee which was appointed May 12, 1775:
The committee appointed to estimate the damages done at Cambridge, Lexington, and Concord, by the King's troops, on the nineteenth of April, 1775, have attended that duty, and beg leave to report: That the destruction made by fire and robbery on said day, by said troops, is as follows, viz: The damages to the buildings in Cambridge, estimated according to the best skill and judgment of your committee, after viewing the same amount to £ 76 5. 6. The value of the goods and chattels that were destroyed, or taken out of the houses, or near the same, by the estimation of those persons who left the same, according to their several accounts, exhibited on oath, and annexed, amounts to £ 1036. 6. 3. The value of the goods and chattels that were destroyed, or taken out of the said houses, or near the same, by the estimation of those persons who left the same, by their several accounts exhibited, who were not sworn, by reason of some being absent, or some other inconvenience that attended the same, amounts to £ 72. 6. 10. The damage done to the meeting-house and school-house in the northwest precinct in said Cambridge, as estimated by your committee, amounts to £ 13. 4. [416] The vessels, linen, and cash, belonging to the church of said precinct, taken out of the house of Joseph Adams, deacon of said church, as by his account exhibited on oath, amount to £ 16. 16. 8. The whole losses suffered in Cambridge amount to £ 1202. 8. 7.69In the morning, at Concord, the military movements seem to have been directed by Col. Barrett, Lieut.-Col. Robinson and Maj. Buttrick. General Heath met the militia at Lexington and assumed the command.70 Having pursued the British until they crossed Charlestown neck, he placed suitable guards and conducted his troops to Cambridge, where they ‘were ordered to lie on their arms.’ In the afternoon of the next day General Ward arrived, and, being the senior general officer, became commander-in-chief. From this time, for the next eleven months, Cambridge was occupied by the American army, of which the right wing was immediately extended to Roxbury, and the left, to Prospect and Winter Hills. General Ward established his Headquarters at the house of Jonathan Hastings71 now known as the Holmes House, in Holmes Place. The soldiers were quartered in private houses, in the College buildings,72 and elsewhere, as accommodations could be found. ‘The buildings of the College were taken possession of, and occupied as barracks, by the American Army.’73 As early as May 1, 1775, the Committee of Safety ‘Voted, That the quarter-master general be directed to clear that chamber in Stoughton College, occupied by S. Parsons Jr., for a printing office for Messrs. Halls.’74 And on the [417] fifteenth of June the Provincial Congress took possession of other apartments: ‘Whereas, it is expedient that those apartments in Harvard Hall, under the immediate charge of the professor of philosophy and librarian of Harvard College, be evacuated, Resolved, that the library, apparatus, and other valuables of Harvard College be removed, as soon as may be, to the town of Andover.’75 The students were scattered; no public commencement was had that year; but the degrees were conferred by a general diploma. An arrangement was made to give instruction at Concord, to which place a part of the library and apparatus was removed in November from Andover. ‘On the 24th of June (1776), the students were again assembled within the College walls, after a dispersion of fourteen months.’76 The Episcopal Church also was converted into barracks for the Connecticut troops.77 It had previously been deserted by its owners, most of whom were adherents to the British government. Private houses were hired, and some seized for public use. The Committee of Safety, May 15, 1775, ‘Resolved, That Mr. Borland's house78 be appropriated for the use of the Committee of Safety; and the quarter master general is directed to provide quarters for the troops now lodged at said house. Voted, That the quarter master general be directed to remove as many of the three companies now at Mr. Borland's, to the house of Dr. Kneeland,79 as the house can accommodate, and that the three companies at Mr. Vassal's house80 be placed at Mr. Foxcroft's house,81 and that Mr. Borland's house be cleared and cleansed as soon as possible.’82 On the same day it was ‘Voted, that the clearing Mr. Borland's and Mr. Vassal's houses be suspended till further orders;’ and the committee probably remained at Steward Hastings' house, where they had a room soon after the conflict at Lexington.83 Hospitals were established in many private houses. It was [418] ordered, April 22d, ‘that a sergeant and six men mount daily to guard the wounded at Mr. Abraham Watson's house.’84 The Provincial Congress, June 20, ‘resolved that the house of Mr. Hunt, at Cambridge, be hired for a hospital,’ and on the previous day the Committee of Safety ‘resolved, that the house of the Rev. Samuel Cook, of Menotomy, be improved, as a hospital for the colony army,’85 and as many other houses in that parish as might be necessary. In addition to these, the General Orders indicate other hospitals: it was ordered, June 28, ‘that Lieut.-col. Bond occupy one room in the south-east corner of Col. Vassall's house, upon the second floor, for the sick belonging to said regiment, till a convenient place can be procured elsewhere for the above named purpose.’ July 26: ‘It being represented that the present hospital is not large enough to contain the sick, Lieut.-gov. Oliver's house is to be cleared for that purpose, and care to be taken that no injury is done to it.’ August 21: ‘a sergeant, corporal, and nine men to mount guard to-morrow morning at Mr. Fairweather's house86 lately converted into an hospital.’ On the 17th of June, 1775, occurred the sanguinary Battle of Bunker Hill. The disasters and the glory of that day have been particularly and vividly described in Frothingham's ‘History of the Siege of Boston.’ I shall not repeat the story. But I must not omit the fact that Cambridge furnished one of the most illustrious victims in that heroic sacrifice. With the exception of General Warren, Colonel Thomas Gardner held a higher military rank than any other who fell on that day; and like Warren, he was conspicuous for the political services which he rendered before the clash of arms. He was a selectman of the town from 1769 until his death, and Representative in the General Court from 1769 until that Court was superseded by the first Provincial Congress, of which and also of the second Congress he was one of the most active members. He was an energetic member of the Committee of Correspondence elected by the town in 1772, and by the House of Representatives in 1773, and of the Committee of Safety, elected by Congress, April 14, 1775. He was commissioned as an Ensign in the company commanded by General Brattle in 1765, and Captain Lieutenant in 1771. When Brattie [419] fled to Boston, he became the commander of the company, with Samuel Thatcher87 for Lieutenant, and John Gardner88 as Ensign. The Provincial Congress, Oct. 26, 1774, ‘recommended to the several companies of militia in this province, who have not already chosen and appointed officers, that they meet forthwith and elect officers to command their respective companies; and that the officers so chosen assemble as soon as may be .... and proceed to elect field officers to command the respective regiments.’89 In accordance with this recommendation, Captain Gardner having been reelected or retained in office, was elected Colonel, Nov. 29, 1774, ‘at a meeting of the officers of the several companies of militia in the first Regiment in the County of Middlesex.’90 Soon after the Battle of Lexington, in which he was actively engaged,91 he enlisted a Regiment for the Continental Army, of which he was commissioned as Colonel, June 2, 1775.92 A fortnight later, he secured immortal fame. He led his regiment to Bunker Hill, ‘and was just descending into the engagement, when a musket ball entered his groin, which proved mortal. He gave his last solemn injunction to his men, to conquer or die; and a detachment were just carrying him off the ground when he was met by his son, 2d Lieut. of Capt. Trevett, marching on, a mere youth of nineteen, and the interview which ensued between them was melancholy and heart-rending, though at the same time heroic. The affectionate son in agony at the desperate situation of his father was anxiously desirous to assist him off the field, but was prohibited from doing this by his father, who, notwithstanding he was conscious that his wound was mortal, yet encouraged his son to disregard it, reminding him that he was engaged in a glorious cause, and, whatever were the consequences, must march on and do his duty.’93 Colonel Gardner, ‘a few days after the battle, being asked if he was well enough to see his son, “ Yes,” answered the hero, “ if he has done his duty!” He had the satisfaction to see him and learn that he bravely distinguished himself.’94 He suffered more than a fortnight, but [420] was mercifully released by death on the 3d of July. An obituary notice, eulogistic, but well merited, was published in the ‘New England Chronicle,’ July 13th: ‘On Monday the 3d instant, died of the wounds received in the late engagement, Thomas Gardner, Esq., Colonel of a Regiment in the American Army, in the 52d year of his age; and on the Wednesday following was interred with martial honors95 and every testimony of respect from his relatives and friends. From the era of our public difficulties he distinguished himself as an ardent friend to the expiring liberties of America, and by the unanimous suffrages of his townsmen was for some years elected a member of the General Assembly; but when the daring encroachment of intruding despotism deprived us of a constitutional convention, and the first law of nature demanded a substitute, he was chosen one of the Provincial Congress; in which departments he was vigilant and indefatigable in defeating every effort of tyranny. To promote the interest of his country was the delight of his soul. An inflexible zeal for freedom caused him to behold every engine of oppression with contempt, horror, and aversion. His abilities in a military capacity were equally conspicuous. That he might cultivate a spirit of emulation for that now necessary and useful science, he devoted not only a great part of his time, but even of his own patrimony, and ever exhibited an example of courage and magnanimity. In the humid vale of private life he was agreeable and entertaining. Justice and integrity were the first movements of his actions: To his family, kind, tender, and indulgent: To his friends, unreserved and sincere: To the whole circle of his acquaintance, affable, condescending, and obliging: while veneration for religion augmented the splendor of his sister virtues. As he ever maintained and avowed the highest sentiments of patriotism, so his conduct entirely cohered, and, actuated by this divine principle, entered the field of battle. And although he returned uncrowned with victorious bays, and his temples unadorned with laurel wreaths, yet doubtless he will be crowned with unfading honors in the unclouded regions of eternal day.’ Colonel Gardner's residence was near Union Square, in the southerly [421] parish of Cambridge, which afterwards was the town of Brighton. On the day of Colonel Gardner's death, July 3d, General Washington assumed the command of the American Army, having arrived in Cambridge on the preceding day. Quarters were at first assigned to him in the President's house, erected in 1726, and still standing on Harvard Street, between Dane and Boylston Halls. The Provincial Congress, June 26, ‘resolved, that the President's house in Cambridge, excepting one room reserved by the President for his own use, be taken, cleared, prepared, and furnished, for the reception of General Washington and General Lee.’96 This arrangement was not wholly satisfactory. He had occupied the house only four days, when Congress ordered, July 6, ‘that the Committee of Safety be a committee to desire General Washington to let them know if there is any house at Cambridge, that would be more agreeable to him and General Lee than that in which they now are; and in that case, the said committee are directed to procure such house, and put it in proper order for their reception.’97 Accordingly the Committee directed, July 8th, ‘that the house of Mr. John Vassall, ordered by Congress for the residence of his excellency General Washington, should be immediately put in such a condition as may make it convenient for that purpose.’98 Precisely how soon the new quarters were occupied does not appear; but Thacher represents that before July 20 the General was residing in ‘a convenient house, about half a mile from Harvard College,’99 a description which indicates the Vassall house; and these quarters were retained until he left Cambridge, April 4, 1776. Quartermaster-general Mifflin's Headquarters were at the Brattle House. Immediately after the battle of Bunker Hill, the Americans began to erect works on Prospect Hill, a very commanding height above Charlestown Common, and at several other places Several works were also constructed at Roxbury, and the British confined to Boston and Charlestown within the neck.100 These works were extended, after the arrival of Washington, from Dorchester on the south, through Cambridge, to Mystic River on the north. In Cambridge a line of fortifications was constructed along the summit of Dana Hill, then called Butler's Hill,101 together [422] with several detached forts and redoubts, delineated on the map accompanying ‘Marshall's Life of Washington.’ The fortress there designated as ‘Fort No. 3’ was a very little outside of Cambridge bounds, not far from Union Square in Somerville. This served as a connecting link between the works on Prospect Hill, and the Cambridge lines which extended northwardly from the point where Broadway crosses the top of Dana Hill, and of which some vestiges still remain. ‘Fort No. 2’ was on the easterly side of Putnam Avenue, at its intersection with Franklin Street. It was in good condition a few years ago; but since Franklin Street was extended directly through it, a large proportion of the embankment has been removed, and the remainder is rapidly disappearing. This fort effectually commanded the river as far down as Riverside, where ‘Fort No. 1’ probably stood, though no vestige of it remains. Both the map and the obvious fact that it commands the river down to Captain's Island, unmistakably indicate this as the locality of the Fort. At Captain's Island was a ‘3 gun battery,’ commanding the River down to its next angle; this also has disappeared, its embankments very probably having been levelled when the Powder Magazine was constructed. At the next angle of the river, on the easterly side of Pine Grove, anciently called the Oyster Banks, there was another ‘3 gun battery,’ which commanded the river down to Lechmere's Point. This fortress was carefully preserved by the Dana family, for many years, until by an arrangement with the owners, and at the joint expense of the City and the Commonwealth, it was restored in 1858 as nearly as possible to its original state, and enclosed by a substantial iron fence. The United States contributed three cannon, which were duly mounted. Let no unpatriotic hand destroy this revolutionary relic, now known as Fort Washington. A still more formidable fortress, at Lechmere's Point, called Fort Putnam, will be mentioned in another place. Immediately after the arrival of General Washington, the army was more fully organized. The right wing, at Roxbury, under the command of Major-general Ward, consisted of two brigades, commanded by Brigadier-generals Thomas and Spencer. The left wing, commanded by Major-general Lee, consisted of two brigades, under Brigadier-generals Sullivan and Greene. The centre, at Cambridge, commanded by Majoreral [423] Putnam, consisted of two brigades; one under the command of Brigadier-general Heath, embraced the regiments of General Heath, and Colonels Patterson, Scammon, Phinney, Gerrish, and Prescott; the other, under the immediate command of General Putnam, comprehended the regiments of Colonels Glover, Frye, Bridge, Woodbridge, and Sargeant.102 According to a ‘List of Colonels of the several Regiments raised by the Colony of Massachusetts,’ dated Oct. 18, 1775, it appears that the regiments composing the centre (except that of Colonel Gerrish which seems to have been detached for service elsewhere), were stationed as follows:— General Heath's Regiment at Number Two. Colonel Patterson's Regiment at Number Three. Colonel Scammon's Regiment at Number One. Colonel Phinney's Regiment at North of Number Two. Colonel Prescott's Regiment at Cambridge. Colonel Glover's Regiment at Cambridge. Colonel Frye's Regiment at Cambridge. Colonel Bridge's Regiment at Cambridge. Colonel Woodbridge's Regiment at West side of Prospect Hill on the road leading from Charlestown Road to Menotomy. Colonel Sargeant's Regiment at Inman's Farm.103 Frothingham says that during the next winter the troops were accommodated in barracks thus: ‘At Prospect Hill, 3,464; at different places,— Number One, Inman's House, &c., 3,460; at Roxbury, 3,795; at Dorchester, 814; at Sewall's Point, 400; at Cambridge Barracks, 640; at Winter Hill, 3,380; in the College, 640; in the New College, 640; in the Old College, 240; North Chapel, 160; total, 17,633; exclusive of private houses in Cambridge.’104 After the 19th of April, 1775, not many important military events occurred within the borders of this town, while it was occupied by the army. A few are mentioned by Gen. Heath, who was an eye-witness: “Nov. 9th. At the top of high water, the tide being very full, some British Light Infantry, in boats, came over from Boston, and landed on Lechmere's Point. The centinels on the point came off; the alarm was given; and several hundred Americans forded over the causeway,105 in the face of the [424] British, the water at least two feet deep. The British, seeing the spirit of the Americans, although they were very advantageously posted, made a precipitate retreat to their boats. Three or four Americans were wounded, one mortally. The British ship and floating-batteries kept up a brisk fire, but to little purpose.106 Dec. 12. ‘A causeway was begun over the marsh to Lechmere's Point.’107 For the next few days the ‘approaches were carried on briskly, nearly to the top of the hill.’ On the 17th, ‘the morning was foggy. A detachment of 300 men, under the direction of Gen. Putnam, broke ground on the top of the hill, on Lechmere's Point, at a distance of not more than half a mile from the ship. Between twelve and one o'clock, the fog cleared away, and the ship began to cannonade the Americans with round and grape shot, and some shells were thrown from West-Boston. One soldier was wounded, and the party driven from the works.’ On the next day, Gen. Heath ‘with 300 men’ renewed the work, and although severely cannonaded, held his ground without loss. The fortification was completed within a few days, during which the ‘cannonade continued, but to no effect.’108 This fortress rendered important service in the final attack, which resulted in the evacuation of Boston by the British army. Feb. 25, 1776, ‘some heavy cannon were mounted on the works at Lechmere's Point.’ March 2d, ‘at night a cannonade and bombardment began at the American works on Cobble Hill and Lechmere's Point on the Cambridge side, and at Lamb's Dam on the Roxbury side, against the British works; and a number of shells were thrown into Boston.’ March 4th.” There was an almost incessant roar of cannon and mortars during the night, on both sides. The Americans took possession of Dorchester heights, and nearly completed their works on both hills by morning. March 9th, ‘there was, during the evening and night, a continual roar of cannon and mortars, from the Castle and lines on Boston neck, south end of that town, as well as from the Americans at Roxbury, Cobble Hill, and Lechmere's Point at Cambridge.’ The position of Gen. Howe had now become utterly untenable, and on the 17th of [425] March, ‘in the morning, the British evacuated Boston; their rear guard with some marks of precipitancy.’ ‘The troops on the Roxbury side moved over the neck and took possession of Boston, as did others from Cambridge in boats. On the Americans entering the town, the inhabitants discovered joy inexpressible.’109 I find on the Town Records only three references to the presence of a large army. The town protested, May 29, 1775, against permitting army contractors to become rich at the public expense. In the instructions given to their delegates in the Provincial Congress, they say, ‘As we are informed the honorable Committee of supplies have agreed with a number of persons to supply the Provincial Army with fresh provisions at a stated price, which has caused great uneasiness amongst the inhabitants of this Province in general, and this town in particular, we do instruct you to use your influence that they be paid a reasonable consideration for their services, and no more.’ On the 11th of March, 1776, ‘John Foxcroft and John Wyeth, Esqs. and Deacon Aaron Hill were chosen as a committee to present a petition to his Excellency General Washington, to know what part of our lands he will want for the use of the Army for the present year. The committee made no report to the town of their proceedings.’ Perhaps the committee did not consult General Washington, and had nothing to report; within a week after their appointment, Boston was evacuated by the British, and the American army left Cambridge very soon afterwards. After their departure, the town appointed a committee, May 13, 1776, ‘to estimate the losses sustained by means of or in consequence of the British troops, and report to Col. Palmer and others, a committee appointed by the Great and General Court of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay to receive the same,— keeping separate accounts of the damages sustained by posting the American Army in this town.’ The Records of the Selectmen afford some glimpses of the difficulty with which arms and ammunition were procured at the commencement of the War, and of the ruinous depreciation of the currency at a later period. I select a few items. An order was drawn, March 13, 1775, to pay Col. Thomas Gardner ‘for four half barrels of powder, £ 20. 13. 4.’ To arm the soldiers, it was necessary to obtain muskets from private individuals. The [426] Selectmen, May 30, 1775, acknowledge that they have received guns, etc., valued as follows:—
| Of John Caldwell, gun, | £. 1. | 0. | 0 |
| Of Ebenezer Bradish, gun and bayonet, | 1. | 10. | 0 |
| Of Capt. Thatcher, gun, | 1. | 4. | 0 |
| Of Capt. Edward Marrett, gun, | 1. | 4. | 0 |
| Of Capt. Stedman, gun, | 1. | 7. | 0 |
| Of Capt. Stedman, gun, | 0. | 19. | 6 |
| Of Capt. Stedman, gun, | 1. | 0. | 0 |
| Of Wyman, gun and bayonet, | 2. | 8. | 0 |
| Of Mr. Sparhawk, gun and bayonet, | 1. | 10. | 0 |
| Of Mr. Sparhawk, gun and bayonet, | 1. | 10. | 0 |
| Of Mr. Sparhawk, his own gun, | 2. | 8. | 0 |
[432] On the 13th of April, 1861, it was announced that sixty persons had enlisted, and that the company had been accepted by the Governor. Two days afterwards, April 15th, the President of the United States issued a proclamation, calling for 75,000 volunteers, to serve three months, in defence of the Union. On the 16th, the Governor issued his orders; and this company responded on the morning of the 17th, having in its ranks, when it arrived at the State House, ninety-five members, some having joined it on its march. It seems highly proper to preserve the names of those patriotic men, who, first of all, voluntarily offered their services to the country-
[433] Ninety-seven in all; but Calvin D. Peirce and Edwin H. Trulan were not mustered in until the 6th of May, after the company arrived at Fortress Monroe. At the expiration of its term of service, this company returned, and received an ovation from their fellow citizens July 23, 1861, at the City Hall. Nearly all its members reenlisted, and rendered further service to the country; and many laid down their lives in its defence.119 Of its three commissioned officers, Capt. James P. Richardson received a commission as Captain in the 38th Regiment, Aug. 12, 1862; was promoted to the office of Major, Dec. 4, 1862, and to that of Lieut.-colonel, July 16, 1863; from which time he had the command of the regiment, as the Colonel was absent on leave from April, 1863, until the end of the war. Col. Richardson was severely wounded at the battle of Opequan, Sept. 19, 1864, but continued in service until the end of the war, after which he served in the regular army in a subordinate office, and was for a considerable time Judge Advocate. He was afterwards appointed Judge of a court in Texas. Lieut. Samuel E. Chamberlain was commissioned Captain of a company in the First Regiment of Cavalry, Nov. 25, 1861; Major, Oct. 30, 1862; Lieut.-colonel, March 5, 1864; Colonel of the Fifth Regiment of Cavalry, July 26, 1865; and was discharged, Oct. 31, 1865, after the war ended, with the brevet rank of Brigadiergeneral. He was very dangerously wounded at Kelly's Ford, March 17, 1863. A bullet entered his left cheek-bone, and was long afterwards taken out from his spine between the shoulderblades. He soon returned, however, to his post, and remained in active service more than six months after the surrender of Gen. Lee's Army. He afterwards served the Commonwealth as Deputy Quartermaster-general, from Aug. 24, 1866, to Jan. 25, 1872; and he is now Warden of the State Prison, to which office he was appointed in December, 1871. Lieut. Edwin F. Richardson received a commission as First Lieutenant of a company in the 22d Regiment, Oct. 1, 1861, which he resigned June 10, 1862. He soon afterwards enlisted as a private, became a Sergeant, was mortally wounded in battle, May 18, 1864, and died on the 26th of the same month. He nobly redeemed his pledge at the ovation on the 23d of July, 1861, when he is reported to have said, ‘he was determined to go back to the seat of war,’ [434] and ‘to fight till the war was over; and if need be he would leave his bones to bleach on southern soil.’120 He sacrificed his life, but his remains, transported by friendly hands, were honorably deposited in the Soldiers' Lot in the Cambridge Cemetery. Cambridge furnished about two hundred commissioned officers, during the War of the Rebellion. The following list is doubtless imperfect; yet it is the result of an examination of the Adjutantgeneral's Reports, supplemented by personal inquiry, and an inspection of the names on the Soldiers' Monument in Cambridge.
To these should be added three officers in the Navy, whose names are inscribed on the Soldiers' Monument: Assistant Surgeons William Longshaw, Jr., Henry Sylvanus Plympton; Assistant Engineer, John M. Whittemore. And it would be unpardonable to omit the name of Rear Admiral Charles Henry Davis, who rendered active and efficient service during the War. On the 17th of June, 1869, the Mayor and City Council laid the corner-stone of a monument,122 which was dedicated, with fitting ceremonies, July 13, 1870. It stands upon the Common in front of the College, and bears this inscription: ‘the soldiers and Sailors of Cambridge, whose names are here in- [436] Scribed, died in the service of their country, in the War for the maintenance of the Union. To Perpetuate the memory of their Valor and patriotism, this Monu-Ment is erected by the City, A. D. 1869-70.’ The names are inscribed on eight tablets, two upon each buttress. It is surely no more than just that they should also be inscribed here:
Of those engaged in the naval service: Assistant Surgeons, William Longshaw, Jr., Henry Sylvanus Plympton; Assistant Engineer, John M. Whittemore; Gunner, Jacob Amee; George Bacon, Charles F. Brown. Among the documents deposited under the corner-stone of the Soldiers' Monument is a ‘Brief History of Cambridge,’ (prepared by Henry W. Muzzey, Esq., President of the Common Council), in which it is stated that, ‘During the War, Cambridge furnished to the army of the United States four thousand one hundred and thirty-five men, and to the navy four hundred and fifty-three men.’ This was about one sixth part of the entire population, which was 26,060 in 1860, and 29,112 in 1865.123
