Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14.
Reverend J. William Jones, Ed.

Extracts from the diary of Lieutenant-Colonel John G. Pressley, of the Twenty-Fifth South Carolina Volunteers.

Field officers.

Lieutenant Colonel, John G. Pressley.

Major, John V. Glover.

Staff officers.

Quartermaster, J. Ellison Adger.

Commissary, Daniel Dwight Barr.

Surgeon, William C. Ravenel.

Assistant Surgeon, J. M. Warren.

Chaplain, A. Toomer Porter.

Sergeant Major, Samuel W. Dibble.

Quartermaster Sergeant, R. H. McDowell, Jr.

Commissary Sergeant, M. J. Hirsch.

Hospital Steward, M. J. D. Dantzler.

Ordance Sergeant, L. W. Fresner.

Line officers.

Washington Light infantry (co. A).

First Lieutenant, H. B. Olney.

Second Lieut., W. Washington Finley.

Second Lieut., James A. Ross.

Washington Light infantry (co. B).

First Lieutenant, Robert A. Blum.

Second Lieutenant, Samuel J. Burger.

Second Lieutenant, R. M. Taft.

Wee Nee Volunteers (co. C).

First Lieutenant, Calhoun Logan.

Second Lieut., Henry Montgomery, Jr.

Second Lieut., B. P. Brockinton.

Marion Light infantry (co. D).

First Lieutenant, Jas. G. Haselden.

Second Lieutenant, D. J. McKay.

Second Lieutenant, Pickett P. Bethea.

Beauregard Light infantry (co. E).

First Lieutenant, A. J. Mims.

Second Lieutenant, V. Duc.

Second Lieutenant, F. E. Durbec.

St. Matthews Rifles (co. F).

First Lieutenant, L. A. Harper.

Second Lieutenant, J. G. Evans.

Second Lieutenant, F. E. Shuler.

Edisto Rifles (co. G).

First Lieutenant, Samuel N. Kennerly.

Second Lieutenant, Samuel Dibble.

Second Lieutenant, George H. Elliott.

Yeadon Light infantry (co. H).

First Lieut., Whitemarsh B. Seabrook.

Second Lieutenant, F. G. Hammond.

Second Lieutenant, F. C Jacobs.

Clarendon Guards (co. I).

First Lieutenant, Joseph C. Burgess.

Second Lieutenant, John J. Logan.

Second Lieutenant, F. B. Brown.

Ripley Guards (co K).

First Lieutenant, F. J. Lesesne.

Second Lieutenant, S. N. McDonald.

Second Lieutenant, E. R. Lesesne.

July 23d to 31st.—The health of the regiment growing worse. Our medical staff were kept very busy, and we heard of the death of several of our comrades in the general hospital in Charleston. The regimental hospital was constantly full. It was distressing to see the shortened line of the regiment on dress parade. Some of the companies had scarcely a platoon of men fit for duty.

Besides the sickness which was decimating our ranks, we were now greatly troubled by one of the most unjust and unwise measures of the Confederate Congress—‘An act for organizing battalions of sharpshooters.’ This law, according to General Pemberton's construction of it, provided that details should be made of men, without their consent, for the purpose of organizing battalions of ‘sharpshooters,’ the officers of which were to be appointed on the recommendation of division or department commanders. The men felt that Congress had acted in bad faith towards them. They had enlisted under laws which guaranteed to them the right to select their own organizations and elect their own officers. It was thought that the law was made in the interest of young aspirants for office, who lacked the ability to secure promotion by their merits and the choice of the soldiers they were to command. Men were to be torn from their comrades, friends, neighbors and officers of their choice, and turned over to the tender mercies of strangers whose ability for command was untried. Earnest protests and expostulations were made at headquarters by regimental and battalion commanders generally. A deaf ear was turned to their entreaties for justice to the men of their commands. Every regiment in the department was invaded, [37] and where volunteers could not be obtained [and very few were found willing to go] compulsory details were required. Colonels of regiments were forced to become the agents of the Government in the first and only violation of faith of which the Confederacy was guilty. A general determination was expressed to turn out at the next election every member of Congress who voted for the obnoxious law. There is no doubt that the object of the law was good. The mistake consisted in allowing compulsory details, which had not been contemplated. It was generally believed that proper representation to the War Department by General Pemberton would have caused such a modification of the manner of the execution of the obnoxious measure as to have relieved it of its objectionable features and not impaired its efficacy. But it seemed as if the General was afraid that he could not get volunteers enough to provide places for his favorites. He was utterly regardless of the entreaties of the men. There was much talk among the field officers of a general refusal to obey, but the conclusion was at length reached to yield to the letter of the law. On the 27th of July the order was made peremptory. The Colonel of the Twenty-fifth South Carolina Volunteers was ordered to detail twenty-four men of his command, and have them in readiness to report for duty when required. This quota was divided among the ten companies in a manner as just as possible. Each captain was directed to name the men to be detailed from his company. The law contemplated a select organization. The captains determined that it should be select (?). Every one who had a worthless fellow in his company detailed him. Some who had men whose friends had influence enough to procure details for them in soft and safe places against the wishes of their company and regimental officers, selected such men. One captain, after explaining to his company the necessity which he was under to obey orders, and expressing the greatest regret at the prospect of parting with any of his men, and his inability to discriminate, proposed to open a poll and allow the company to decide by ballot upon the men he would name. This was done, and the captain detailed the two successful candidates (?). In another company a purse was raised by contribution and two men were hired to volunteer. The other regiments made selections about in a similar way. Unfitness for a sharpshooter was the quality most looked after. The consequence was, that as a whole, General Pemberton's sharpshooters were rivals of ‘Falstaff's army.’ When they were gotten together it was found that after the maimed, the halt and the blind were discharged there were men enough for two pretty good companies out [38] of a whole battalion. Detaching some of these men from their commands would have been unpardonable cruelty if it had not been known that they were entitled to and would receive a surgeon's certificate of disability and discharge from service as soon as they applied. Knowing this, these sick men were, I think, not generally averse to being detailed and thus saving their friends from great hardship. The men fit for duty of the famous corps of sharpshooters were, after Pemberton found that his pet scheme had failed, attached to the Charleston Battalion. That battalion thereafter became the Twenty-seventh South Carolina Volunteers. I must do General Pemberton the justice to say that he selected some excellent officers. Major R. Blythe Allston, who was a captain in the sharpshooters, was one the very best officers of Colonel Gaillard's regiment and Hagood's brigade.

Notwithstanding every subterfuge which the captains could with honor devise, some good men were lost. Though a good shot could not be selected by draft, which was resorted to in some of the companies, it was sometimes impossible to prevent the lot falling on a good man. It may seem to some that the evasion of the officers whose duty it was to make these details was unsoldierly. There was at the time no difference of opinion among the officers of the army so far as I could learn from conversing with them. The whole scheme was looked upon as disgraceful tyranny by every officer whose regiment or company was affected. And any plan by which the greatest number of effective men could be saved, and the letter of the law only obeyed, was looked upon as justifiable and right. Disobedience would have been as fruitless of good results as entreaties had proved. There was no open disobedience in this Military District. We heard that there had been almost a mutiny among the troops in the neighborhood of Savannah, and that some officers lost their commissions in consequence.

August 1st.—Fever on the increase and cases assuming a more virulent form.

August 8th.—The right wing of the regiment moved to a new camp on Stono river, at its junction with Elliot's Cut. We hope that the health of the men will be better in some new location, and here we will have the advantage of salt baths. The hope had been entertained that we might be permitted to leave the island during the sickly season, as the enemy had entirely withdrawn. Their gunboats were not even always in the river. However, it is deemed a military necessity that we remain. It would certainly be hazardous [39] to reduce the force on James Island any more. We are holding the key to the city of Charleston.

August 9th.—The left wing of the regiment moved into the new camp, which we call ‘Camp Stono.’

August 10th.—Such of our detail of sharpshooters as were in camp were sent off to-day. The rest of them are sick or on furlough.

August 15th to October 17th.—I was, in very complimentary orders, detailed as a member of a ‘Board of Examiners,’ for the examination of officers in reorganized regiments, and officers awaiting promotion. The other members of the board are Lieutenant-Colonel William Butler, First regiment South Carolina regular infantry, and Lieutenant-Colonel Ellison Capers, Twenty-fourth South Carolina volunteers. The board sat first at Fort Johnson, but soon adjourned to the Military Hall in Charleston. I served as a member of the board for two months. During that time about one hundred and fifty officers were examined, of rank from lieutenant-colonel down to junior second lieutenant. We found about one-third of the number deficient, and reported against their retention in service. The report was not approved, owing to the fact that some commands would have been almost without officers. Our work was not, however, barren of results. The officers reported deficient were given another examination, and, by assiduous study in the meantime, many of them became efficient. This disposition of the report was not unsatisfactory to the board. Many of the rejected officers afterwards qualified themselves for the position. None of the officers of the Twenty-fifth South Carolina volunteers were examined. They were exempted from the operation of the order, as they had organized for the war. It affected principally the twelve months volunteers which had reorganized within the limits of their original regiments.

While the Board of Examiners were in session a Court of Inquiry, composed of Colonels Stevens, Colquit, and Lamar, was held at the Military Hall to inquire into the killing of Colonel Ransom Calhoun, of the First regiment South Carolina artillery regulars, by Major Alfred Rhett, of the same regiment. While the practice of duelling was condemned, the finding of the court was not such as to deter General Beauregard, who had succeeded Pemberton in the command of the Department, from recommending the promotion of Rhett to fill Calhoun's place.

There was a great deal of fever in the city during the summer and fall. A few cases of yellow fever were reported Colonel J. B. Lamar, who distinguished himself at Secessionville, was one of the victims. [40] The health of the regiment gradually improved, and by the middle of October our sick list was very much diminished. Upon the approach of frost the fever disappeared almost entirely. The health of the regiment became good.

October 17, 1862.—Colonel Simonton took my place on the Board of Examiners, and I took command of the regiment.

October 22d.—Wednesday. Received orders about 4 o'clock this afternoon to have the regiment at the depot of the Charleston and Savannah railroad. It was reported that the enemy had advanced from Port Royal Ferry, and had captured the railroad. We soon had our haversacks filled with ‘hard tack’ and bacon and were at the depot. Here we were met by Colonel Simonton, who had been temporarily relieved from duty on the Board of Examination to enable him to accompany the expedition. The Forty-sixth Georgia regiment, Colonel P. H. Colquit, was also there awaiting transportation to the scene of action. The Twenty-fifth South Carolina and Forty-sixth Georgia were embarked on the same train. Colonel Colquit was the ranking officer with our part of the expedition. Colonel C. H. Stevens, with his regiment and a battery of artillery, were on a train which followed ours. We were all night on the cars, though the distance was but sixty-three miles to Pocataligo, the point of our destination. The report that the railroad was in the possession of the enemy seemed to be confirmed by the fact that we could get no communication with Pocataligo by telegraph. This made it necessary for us to proceed very cautiously, sending the engine ahead to reconnoitre and having it return for the train after passing over a few miles. The train, which consisted mostly of open platform cars, was very long and crowded. We had no room for our horses, and the field and staff were consequently afoot when the end of the journey was reached.

October 23d.—We arrived at the station after daylight and marched at once to the scene of the conflict of yesterday, which was at a place called ‘Old Pocataligo,’ about two miles from the railroad. The enemy showed no disposition to renew the fight, and had fallen back towards their gunboats, leaving their dead unburied. General Terry was in command of the Federal forces, which greatly outnumbered the Confederates, who were compelled to fall back before the enemy till Old Pocataligo was reached. The fight at this place was across a marsh, from three to four hundred yards wide. The Confederates tore up the bridge on the causeway, and took position on the edge of the marsh in a grove of live-oak trees and in some old buildings. [41] The enemy were in the woods on the opposite side, and made desperate efforts to cross the marsh on the causeway, but were driven back by the well-directed fire of our troops. The enemy's forces were so much superior to ours that but for this marsh they would probably have reached the railroad. There was much evidence of the terrific fire that had been kept up on both sides. There was a house on our side through which from three to five hundred balls passed, going through the planks as if they were paper. There was scarcely a spot on the trunks of the live-oak trees, from the ground as high as a man's head, as large as the hand in which there was not one or more balls. On the line occupied by the enemy some of the trees were lite rally barked. I noticed one oak, about twelve or fifteen inches in diameter, which was very nearly shot down. The enemy's wounded had been carried off, but from seventy-five to one hundred of their dead remained to bear witness of the effect of the Confederate fire. There were nine dead and four wounded horses under the oaks on our side. The Confederates were commanded by Brigadier-General Walker, known afterwards as ‘Live-Oak Walker.’ There was no pursuit of the enemy on their retreat, owing to the destruction of the bridge. No artillery or cavalry could be crossed in time to have been effective. Captain Joseph Blythe Allston was wounded in the early part of the fight, and he and two of his men assisting him reached the marsh after the bridge had been destroyed. They concealed themselves in the tall grass and the balls of both sides passed over them. Upon the retreat of the enemy they left their perilous situation. I could not ascertain exactly the number of our killed, wounded, and missing, but they did not exceed one hundred. If the wounded of the enemy bore the usual proportion to the killed, their loss must have been from three to four hundred. Their superior force and the topography of the country were such that there was no reasonable excuse for leaving the dead unburied.

Before reaching Old Pocataligo the enemy sent a column towards Cosawhatchie. This force got possession of the railroad, but was soon driven off. I could not learn the particulars of the fight at that place. We met with some loss there, I saw two prisoners that had been captured at that place.

The enemy came provided with implements to tear up the railroad, and bundles of ‘fat lightwood’ to burn the bridges. They threw all of these away in their flight, having found out that they would have no use for them.

After dining on ‘hard tack’ and bacon cooked on spades, sharp [42] sticks, bayonets, and the ends of ramrods, the Twenty-fifth regiment marched back to the railroad station in the afternoon, not having had the opportunity to fire a shot.

October 24th.—The regiment took the train about 3 o'clock this morning, and after a quicker trip than we had made coming, were disembarked and marched back to Camp Stono, reaching our camp in the afternoon. Colonel Simonton resumed his place on the Board of Examiners, and I am again in command of the regiment.

November 5, 1862.—We commenced moving our camp to-day to a field just opposite Hayward's house, on the road leading from Mc-Leod's up to Lawton's, near Camp Stono.

November 6th.—Finished moving our camp, and called it ‘Camp Glover,’ after the gallant Colonel T. G. Glover, colonel of the First regiment South Carolina volunteers, who fell at the second battle of Manassas. He was held in high esteem by all who knew him, and by none was he more esteemed than by the men of the Wee Nee Volunteers and two Orangeburg companies which had been organized in the old (Hagood's) First Regiment. He was the first captain of the Edisto Rifles. Colonel Glover was an unselfish, noble, generous spirit.

November 7th to 27th.—While we occupied ‘Camp Glover’ Colonel Simonton, after being relieved from further duty on the Board of Examiners, was detached from the regiment and given the important and responsible command of the Eastern Division of the James Island fortifications. The command of the regiment devolved on me. I objected to this arrangement at first. Men never submit as readily to authority when exercised by one whom they regard as temporarily in position, or as exercising a command above that which his rank gives him. I foresaw the trouble that I was about to have. We had so much sickness in the regiment during the summer, and so many of the men had been absent from camp on sick leave that the discipline was not in the state that the good of the service required. The state of the regiment and the natural disposition of men to try the temper of a new administration, together with the expectation that whatever unaccustomed restraints were put upon them would only last while the command was temporarily in my hands, made my position for a while anything but desirable. I believe, however, that every man in the regiment after a time came to see that it was best ‘to hold a tight rein.’

[The Colonel returned to the regiment but three times to command it from this time till after I was disabled in Virginia. Two of these [43] occasions were when we made expeditions to Wilmington, which will be mentioned at the proper time. He was sometimes in charge of one division of the line of fortifications and sometimes of the other, exercising the command of a brigadier. General Beauregard had great confidence in him. The regiment came in time to regard me as their permanent commander, and my position was then as agreeable as could be desired. I had a very sincere regard for the officers and men, and the many proofs of affection and confidence which they gave me are recollections which shall always be cherished. I found Major John V. Glover, a man in whom ‘was no guile,’ a willing, efficient, able and brave coadjutor. No regimental commander could have had an assistant and associate better qualified or worthy of higher esteem.]

About the 14th of November the Major was detailed as a member of a Court Martial, which sat in Charleston, and I was left for several weeks without his valuable assistance. While we were at ‘Camp Glover’ a great many of the men, particularly of the two Williamsburg companies, were cheered by the presence of their wives. Their coming was encouraged and everything done to make them comfortable. Their presence was a real benefit to the regiment. Every man was a faithful soldier under the eye of his wife. These ladies were jocularly called ‘the eleventh company of the Twenty-fifth South Carolina volunteers.’

November 28th.—Orders were received to-day to hold the regiment in readiness to move at any moment. News had reached headquarters in the city that a fleet had left Port Royal. General Beauregard expected an attack somewhere on the coast, and held his forces ready to move to any point where they might be needed.

November 29th to December 13th.—Between these dates we had a period of rest, broken only by the regular routine of camp duties and a visit of Colonel Roman, of General Beauregard's staff, who was on a tour of inspection of all of the troops of this Military District. A copy of the Colonel's report was sent to me for the information of the command. It conveyed the gratifying intelligence that the Twenty-fifth South Carolina volunteers had been pronounced the best regiment in the District.

December 14th.—To-night orders came to move at once to the depot of the Northeastern railroad for the purpose of being transported to Wilmington, North Carolina. Orders that seemed to indicate a movement on the enemy were always obeyed with spirit and alacrity, and we were not long in marching to the depot. The enemy [44] were in possession of Newbern, North Carolina, and had commenced to move from that place towards the Wilmington and Weldon railroad. Evan's Brigade had an engagement below Kingston, had been worsted and compelled to fall back.

The Forty-sixth Georgia, Twenty-fourth South Carolina regiment and Preston Light Battery were to go with us. The trip to Wilmington was protracted and tedious. The rolling stock of the Northeastern railroad was not in good working order by reason of age and want of repairs. It sometimes happened that the engine was unable to haul the train on an up-grade, and on such occasions we were delayed for hours.

December 16th.—We reached Wilmington to-day, and were quartered at ‘Camp Cobb,’ in wooden barracks near the edge of the city, and near the Wilmington and Weldon railroad. The camp rumor was that we were to remain here only long enough for another South Carolina and four Georgia regiments to come up. The Forty-sixth Georgia was already on the ground. The weather was intensely cold, fuel not very plenty, the barracks full of air-holes, and much more uncomfortable than tents would have been.

[There are no pleasant recollections connected with ‘Camp Cobb.’ The troops which preceded us in the occupation of the buildings had left them infected with scarlet fever. Several of our men contracted the disease. Private Breese, of Company B, a youth of great promise, fell a victim. We lost three other men of sickness contracted on this trip, but unfortunately I have forgotten their names. One of these died in Wilmington and the others after our return to South Carolina. Quite a number were added to the sick list, and were sent to the general hospitals in Wilmington and Charleston.]

Our means for cooking are very limited, and in consequence the most of the officers of the regiment broke up their messes for the time and took their meals at the Railroad House, near the depot. It was kept by a very stout and clever lady, whose table was far better than our rations.

December 7th.—--News reached us to-day that the enemy had beaten General Evans, passed him and were in possession of the railroad. The Twenty-fourth regiment and Preston's Battery, which were encamped several miles from Wilmington, on the Wilmington and Weldon railroad, were dispatched for the seat of war.

It was reported that General Beauregard was coming from Charleston to command in person. The regiment was delighted with the prospect of having him to command us when we reached the front. [45] After the discomfiture of Evans, General G. W. Smith was sent with reinforcements from Virginia. The knowledge that he was at the front gave confidence here. No passenger trains had been running for several days, and we got very little news of what was going on. Headquarters might have been better informed.

December 18th.—Marching orders were received by Colonel Simonton, and we took the cars of the Wilmington and Weldon railroad on the afternoon of to-day. The night ride was not as unpleasant as the extreme cold of the weather gave us reason to expect. The high spirits and merry-making proclivities of the men did much to cause them to forget their discomforts.

December 19th.—Reached the town of Magnolia about 7 o'clock this morning. The fact that we were the first regiment of soldiers the people of this town had had with them and the proximity of the enemy made us very welcome visitors. Many of the officers and men were breakfasted by the citizens and treated in the most hospitable manner.

The enemy's infantry had remained on the north side of the Neuse river and detained our forces while their cavalry had made a detour, passed General Evans's command, reached and tore up the railroad near Goldsboroa, and burned the bridge across the river. It was ascertained at headquarters in Wilmington that they had then retired. An order was dispatched us directing our immediate return. We reached Wilmington at night and found our quarters occupied by a Georgia brigade. A part of the regiment spent the balance of the night in the cars and the rest bivouacked near by. I preferred the open air by the fire to occupying a cramped seat in the cars any longer.

December 23d.—All the troops in and around the city were reviewed by Major-General Whiting to-day in a field about a mile and a half from Camp Cobb. There were ten regiments of infantry and two batteries of artillery on the review. The field was too small to extend the line of battle, and the infantry were formed in a line of regiments at close column by divisions doubled on the centre. A column was then formed of regiments in the same order, and thus passed in review. The contracted dimensions of the field caused the troops to be very much crowded, but on the whole the display was very fine.

December 31st.—The regiment embarked to-day on the cars of the Wilmington and Manchester railroad for Charleston. We had a slow trip, but got safely back to ‘Camp Glover,’ where for more than a week we had a quiet time and a rest from the fatigues of our expedition. [46]

January 9, 1863.—At 4 o'clock on the afternoon of to-day orders came directing us to proceed at once to the depot of the Northeastern railroad and again take the cars for Wilmington. Some demonstrations made by the enemy on the North Carolina coast had created the impression that Wilmington was in danger. We got off during the night, and had another slow and tedious trip. The train stopped for hours owing to defective engines. One stoppage was near the plantation of Mr. Wm. M. Kinders, about a mile from Kingstree. Here a portion of the train remained till the balance was taken to Cades' Station and the engine returned. If the break down had occurred at the depot so that those of us who lived in Kingstree could have seen our families, no regret would have been felt, but waiting in the woods was tiresome and unprofitable.

January 11th—Sunday. Reached Wilmington this afternoon. Marched out of the city and bivouacked just inside of the line of breastworks.

January 13th.—Regiment marched to the race course, on the road leading in the direction of Masonboro Sound, and bivouacked for the night.

January 14th.—Pitched our tents in a field near the race course. The field officers of the brigade had been directed to select a place for a camp, it seeming probable that no forward movement would be made very soon. As we were riding over the field the owner came to us and suggested that should it rain heavily the ground would be under water. It was the opinion of our party that the fear of losing his rails had prompted this expression of opinion on the part of the land owner. The growth indicated that the ground was not subject to overflow. The first night spent in our new camp was very dark and cold, considerable snow fell and the condition of the fence the next morning, or rather the ground where the fence had stood, showed that the fears of the unfortunate land owner were not unfounded. Nobody acknowledged that he knew what became of the rails. The presence of soldiers in cold weather never had a tendency to improve fences.

January 15th to April 4th.—The brigade to which the regiment was now temporarily attached consisted of the Sixteenth, Twenty-fourth and Twenty-fifth South Carolina volunteers, Eighth South Carolina Battalion and Forty-sixth Georgia regiment, and was put under the command of Colonel P. H. Colquit, of the Forty-sixth Georgia. He was a brave man, but a lax disciplinarian. His regiment was a very fine body of men, but in point of discipline was [47] hardly up to the standard. Their way of doing things became somewhat contagious, and the effect of example was felt in the Twenty-fifth. However, under favorable circumstances, our men were very readily gotten out of loose ways in matter of discipline.

The only enemies which we saw while we occupied the camp near the Wilmington race track were prisoners. One of the vessels of a Federal fleet got aground in Masonboroa Sound, and was captured, with all on board, by a brigade of Georgians, stationed near the Sound, under the command of Colonel Wilson, of the Twenty-fifth Georgia volunteers.

While we were here our new Chaplain, Rev. E. T. Winkler, D. D., who had been appointed to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Rev. A. Toomer Porter, reported for duty. The regiment was peculiarly fortunate in securing his services to fill the vacant place. He was a man of the highest scholarly attainments, and one of the most distinguished and eloquent ministers of the Baptist Church. His affability, cordiality and courtesy made him very popular with both men and officers. He was ever assiduous in his efforts to supply such of the wants of the men as a chaplain could reach. His attentions to the sick were unremitting, and the last sufferings of many a dying soldier were alleviated by his presence, counsel and prayers. The men of the Twenty-fifth will never forget his eloquent Sunday discourses and stirring nightly appeals. The church call was usually sounded immediately after the tattoo roll-call. The larger portion of the regiment assembled around some centrally located camp-fire, and after reading, singing, and an address, our chaplain dismissed the men to their tents with a fervent prayer for their safety, their wives and children at home, and the success of our cause. There were no unchristian utterances, hatred or bitterness spoken of our enemies.

[I have since the war and in time of profound peace heard more uncharitable speeches from some of our late enemies than were ever heard to fall from the lips of our chaplain amid the din of arms. Besides nightly prayer meetings, service was held every Sunday morning when the exigencies of the service would permit. The Twenty-fifth regiment paid as much regard to the Christian Sabbath as it was possible during all of the years of the war. Sunday, by Army Regulations, is the day for inspections and reviews. We did not long conform to the custom. No objection being made by our brigade commanders, we had our inspections on Saturday. The men were allowed as much rest as possible on Sunday, and while not compelled to attend Divine service, were encouraged to do so in every possible way.] [48]

While near Wilmington I was detailed as a member of a Court Martial, which held its sessions in the Custom-house. The cases disposed of were not of a very serious character. One or two other officers of the regiment, Major Spear, of the Forty-sixth Georgia, and several other Georgia officers constituted the court. Captain James F. Izlar, of the Edisto Rifles, was the Judge Advocate. A Mr. Impy, of the Wilmington bar, appeared as counsel for some of the accused parties. The jokes and anecdotes told by Major Spear and Mr. Impy, during the recesses of the court, and an egg-nogg frolic at Bayley's Hotel, are pleasant memories connected with this court.

The enemy had a large force at Beaufort, North Carolina. The sailing south of a fleet from that place was the signal for a counter movement of the troops that had been concentrated around Wilmington. On the 4th of February orders came from General Beauregard for a removal of troops south. Savannah was thought to be more in danger than Charleston, and the regiments which had been taken from that vicinity were sent off first. On the 6th or 7th the Twenty-fifth got off on their return to Charleston. The court, of which I was a member, was not dissolved till the day after, and the officers of the tribunal were consequently left behind their respective regiments. Upon my return to James Island I found the regiment at ‘Camp Glover’ and myself in command, Colonel Simonton having been again put in charge of a portion of the line of fortifications.

During the month the army intended for operations along the coast of South Carolina, Georgia and Florida was considerably reinforced. Clingman's Brigade of North Carolina troops was added to the force on James Island. It seemed to be the settled belief of the Confederate authorities that very active operations would be commenced against Charleston. On the 18th General Beauregard issued another proclamation directing that all non-combatants leave the city. On several occasions everything short of a resort to force had been done to induce them to go into the interior, but though a large number of families left, many refused to move, and preferred to share the dangers of a siege with their soldier friends.

About the first of March we left ‘Camp Glover’ and pitched our tents near Freer's store, about a half mile from the Presbyterian church, and between that church and the line of breastworks, as then established. We called our new location ‘Camp Gadberry,’ in honor of the gallant Colonel J. M. Gadberry, who before this time had in Virginia sealed his devotion to his country's cause with his blood.

About the middle of March the infantry was again sent to the outposts. For some time before that date the cavalry did the picketing, [49] and the infantry on the island were left to the usual routine of camp life. The opportunity was thus given and improved to carry the drill and discipline of the Twenty-fifth still nearer a state of perfection.

The enemy landed on Coles Island during the month and established their out-posts on Taylor's and Battery Islands.

April 5, 1863.—A large fleet of wooden vessels and nine turreted iron-clad gun-boats were on this day reported off the bar. It was also ascertained that there was a considerable land force on Coles Island. Colonel Simonton returned to the regiment and relieved me of the command. (He did not remain with us very long, being again detached and given a brigadier's command.)

April 6th.—I was to-day field officer of the day, and had the command of the pickets composed mostly of a portion of our regiment. The advanced pickets occupied Horse Island on the banks of Green Creek. We occupied one bank of the creek and the enemy's picket line the other. In the afternoon our advanced pickets at the old bridge on Green Creek exchanged shots with the enemy's pickets; nobody hurt on our side.

April 7th.—The regiment had a quiet day in camp, but nevertheless this was an eventful day in the history of Charleston. The ironclad fleet of the enemy crossed the bar and approached Fort Sumter. The garrison of the fort consisted of the First regiment of artillery (regulars), under the command of Colonel Alfred Rhett. Our Surgeon, W. C. Ravenel, M. D., went with me down to Fort Johnson to witness the fight. It lasted about two hours and a half. It was a magnificent sight. Perhaps never before in the history of wars were there as many guns of such heavy calibre used in one action. The Confederates had the advantage in the number of guns, but the heavier calibre of the Federal artillery more than counter-balanced this advantage. Forts Sumter and Moultrie, Battery Gregg, on Morris Island, at Cumming's Point, were all engaged using all of their metal to bear on the fleet. The monitors offered such a small mark that it was very difficult to strike them, particularly while in motion. The practice of our artillerists was, however, highly creditable. The ironclads were struck a number of times. No other fleet then in the world would have floated through such a bombardment. The shot from our heaviest guns glanced from the turrets of the monitors doing apparently no harm. At last the Keokuk drew off evidently injured, and soon the whole fleet steamed out of the range of our guns.

April 8th.—To-day news reached camp that the Keokuk had sunk off Morris Island. [50]

April 10th.—The camp talk to-day was about an engine called a ‘Yankee Devil,’ which had been wrecked and had floated up on the beach on Morris Island. This nondescript had been used for the purpose of hunting torpedoes and obstructions in the harbor. I am unable to describe this curious craft. Another was reported to have arrived and to be among the vessels of the fleet. The enemy were reported to-day to be landing in force on Folley Island.

April 12th.—The monitors left the bar to-day and sailed south for Port Royal. The enemy's transports commenced leaving Stono harbor.

April 13th.—I was field-officer of the day, and had charge of the pickets, consisting of four companies of the Twenty-fifth and a detachment of cavalry. Legare's lower house was picket headquarters. No firing on any portion of the line.

April 14th.—The belief began to be general that the attack on Charleston was indefinitely postponed. The enemy were reported leaving Coles Island rapidly, and it was believed that they were leaving Folley Island.

[It was very unfortunate for our cause that this impression prevailed. It enabled the enemy to carry on their operations against Morris Island quietly, and led to the surprise of the 10th of July following.]

April 17th to 20th.—Two guns of a Georgia Light Battery were sent to Legare's, near the picket line, to fire on some gunboats that were in the habit of going up the creek to Folley Island. The gunboats returned the fire. No decisive results on either side.

The high price of necessaries of life and the spirit of speculation which had taken possession of so many of our people began to have a bad effect on our army. I have very often listened to recitals of the distress of the men of the regiment whose families were dependent on their wages for support. To know that a speculator in the rear was charging a month's wages of a soldier for a few bushels of corn or a few pounds of bacon furnished to his family, could not fail to have a demoralizing effect. My means prevented my aiding the brave men under my command in any other way than by sympathy and advice. Such consolation as sympathy could give was bestowed in large measure.

Both the army and citizens have come to feel perfect confidence in the safety of Charleston. This feeling on the part of the latter prevented a general compliance with the frequent requests of General Beauregard that non-combatants should leave the city, and gave time [51] and opportunity for all sorts of speculating schemes. The speculation, however, which did most harm to our army was not done in the city. It was the ‘stay-at-home skulker’ in the country who was practicing extortion on the soldiers' families.

April 20th.—A grand review of troops held to-day by General Beauregard, in the field near Freer's house, and not far from our camp. After the review and before the troops were dismissed the General presented a battle-flag to each regiment, battalion and battery. The ‘stars and bars’ had been so often mistaken for the ‘stars and stripes’ that a change of the standard became a necessity. The troops present were Brigadier-General Clingman's North Carolina brigade of four regiments, a brigade commanded by Colonel C. H. Stevens, composed of Twenty-fourth and Twenty-fifth South Carolina Volunteers, Second regiment of South Carolina Volunteer Artillery, Eighth Georgia Battalion, Lucas' Battalion of Regulars, two companies of White's Battalion, five batteries of artillery, and three companies of cavalry. The display was very fine notwithstanding the heat of the day and dust of the field.

April 21st.—The infantry have been again relieved from picket duty. The out-post duty is done by the cavalry. The field-officer of the day was relieved from duty with the pickets, and it is made his duty to look after the manner in which the routine duties of the camp is discharged in all of the regiments within his jurisdiction. In my rounds to-day I found that very few of the regiments or battalions were in point of discipline equal to the Twenty-fifth, and none surpassing it in efficiency.

Six iron-clads were reported in the North Edisto.

A successful attempt was made by the Confederates to get off the armament of the Keokuk. The Confederate iron-clad Chicera covered the working party. One gun was successfully landed through the enterprise and ingenuity of a Mr. Lacoste, a citizen. A book was found on board containing the system of signals used in the Federal service.

April 23d.—The regiments and battalions under the command of Colonel C. H. Stevens, of the Twenty-fourth South Carolina Volunteers, were to-day exercised in evolutions of the line. There were four regiments and battalions on the drill besides the Twenty-fifth. The performance was very creditable to all of the troops in the line.

April 24th to July 8th.—Under the call of the Executive Council of the State for ten regiments with field officers appointed by the Governor and Council, Lamar's regiment of artillery and the [52] Twenty-fifth South Carolina volunteers had been raised and organized. The conscription laws of the Confederacy caused all further proceedings under the call to be suspended. Lamar had died, and Colonel Frederick had succeeded him in command of the artillery regiment. Some demagogue in the Legislature of the State, with his eye on that regiment, introduced and got a bill through which provided for an election of field officers in the regiments organized under the call of the Executive Council. No particular regiment was mentioned in the bill, and it applied as much to the Twenty-fifth regiment as to the artillery. It would be very remarkable if in a whole regiment there were no aspirants for office, and the Twenty-fifth was not an exception to an assemblage of about one thousand average citizens. There soon sprung up in the regiment considerable discussion over the proposed election. There were those found in the command who were willing to take the places now filled by the field officers. The Adjutant-General of the State had the indiscretion to issue the orders for the purpose of carrying out the provisions of the statute, apparently forgetting that the State had lost all power and right to control troops in the Confederate service. This action of the Adjutant-General had the effect of increasing the ardor of the candidates, and give a fresh impulse to electioneering. Before the day fixed for the election the aspirants had pretty generally canvassed the regiment, and ascertained that the field officers were so well established in the regards of the men that it was useless to oppose them. No election was held. General Beauregard put a stop to the whole thing by publishing an order in which he said that the act of the Legislature did not apply to the artillery or the Twenty-fifth, because, said the order, ‘the State of South Carolina could never have intended to control the Confederate army. The law must have been designed to apply to some other troops.’ The agitation resulted in a benefit to the regiment, for it was ascertained that the men stood ready to endorse the field officers. The 15th of May was the day named by the order of the Adjutant-General for the election. Colonel Simonton was not in command of the regiment, and the Major and the Lieutenant-Colonel were both on leave of absence — the former on sick leave, and the latter on account of the illness and death of his father. The absence of the field officers made the many favorable expressions of opinion which reached their ears still more agreeable.

About this time the Twenty-fourth and Sixteenth South Carolina Volunteers, Forty-sixth Georgia, and the Eighth Georgia Battalion and Fergerson's Light Battery were organized into a brigade and took [53] their departure, under the command of Brigadier-General S. R. Gist, to join the army of the Mississippi. Colonel Simonton, by the absence of Colonel C. H. Stevens, became for awhile the ranking officer on James Island, and the command of the island devolved on him. The camp of the regiment was moved to Secessionville, and regimental headquarters established in Lawtore's house. Captain G. H. Moffet, the adjutant, usually went with and acted as assistant adjutant general for Colonel Simonton when he was exercising a brigadier's command. Lieutenant F. J. Lesesne, of the Ripley Guards, in the absence of Moffet, acted as adjutant of the regiment. I found him invariably brave, trustworthy and efficient.

In the latter part of the spring we lost the services of our chaplain, E. T. Winkler, D. D. He was detached from the regiment and ordered up to the city for duty in the hospitals. We were exceedingly fortunate in having his place filled by Rev. A. F. Dickson, a Presbyterian minister of high position in his church. Mr. Dickson followed in the footsteps of his predecessors in the chaplaincy, and discharged all of the duties of his honorable and important office with zeal and ability. The officers and men soon learned to love him as they had done our former chaplains. Mr. Dickson distinguished himself by the same kindly efforts to promote the comfort of the well, mollify the sufferings of the sick, and strengthen the faith of the dying which had characterized the administration of the office by Revs. Porter and Winkler. Our three chaplains were men of broad and catholic views. Their perfect freedom from bigotry procured them the esteem and confidence of the men of every religious persuasion, as well as of those of no particular denominational bias.

On the 23d of May I was detailed as president of a Board of Examiners, with Lieutenant-Colonel R. J. Jeffords, of the cavalry, and Captain C. H. Parker, of the artillery, as my associates. I was absent for about twenty days, during which time the command of the Twenty-fifth devolved on Major John V. Glover. The regiment never suffered in its discipline nor otherwise in the hands of Major Glover. As an assistant, messmate, friend and associate, he was all that a regimental commander could desire.

The months of May and June and the early part of July, 1863, were very quiet times on James Island. Daily drills, dress parades and guard mountings, made camp life somewhat monotonous. A feeling of security had taken possession of the soldiers to such an extent that many of the men and some of the officers on the island had brought their wives and expected a quiet summer. Other officers [54] were making arrangements to bring their families to camp. No one had any idea of how busy the enemy were preparing for the siege of Charleston, more vigorously than it had yet been pressed.

About the 1st of July, First Lieutenant Samuel Dibble, of the Edisto Rifles, a restless, dashing and daring young officer, determined to find out whether the enemy were occupying Long Island. This island is the next below Secessionville, and was at the time covered by a dense growth of pines, scrub oaks and such other trees as grow on the uncultivated islands on the coast. He received permission to go on a scouting expedition, and selected to accompany him two men well qualified for such service, men of true courage and extraordinary presence of mind. These two men, both of whom were only too glad to have an opportunity to volunteer for desperate service, were Sergeant D. M. McClary of the Wee Nees and Corporal McLeod of the Washington Light Infantry Company B. A very light boat which belonged to the post was manned by these two non-commissioned officers, with the Lieutenant at the helm. During the night at high water they pulled across the marsh and landed on Long Island. The men were instructed by Lieutenant Dibble to wait at the boat till his return, proposing to go into the woods by himself and ascertain the situation, and telling them that he would not be gone very long. McClary and McLeod waited till daylight, concealing themselves in the grass, when a Federal sergeant came out of the woods, drew out a telescope and after adjusting the glasses rested it against a tree and leveled it at our works at Secessionville. The non-appearance of Lieutenant Dibble was now understood by his escort. They at once ordered the Yankee to surrender, and having disarmed him ordered him to take hold of one end of the boat, which was now aground, the tide having receded, and assist in pushing it to the water. They had not proceeded far across the mud flat before a squad of the enemy appeared on the edge of the marsh, and demanded their surrender. This they refused, and ordered their prisoner, on pain of instant death, to push the boat with all his might.

They had not many paces more to go till they got the boat to the water, when they got in, compelling their prisoner to follow them and still to protect them by keeping himself between them and the squad, loudly calling for their surrender. They soon got out of range without a shot being fired, the Yankees preferring to allow the game to escape rather than endanger the life of their comrade. He was brought safely to Secessionville. We searched him for papers, [55] and found a diary, which he had brought down to the capture of Lieutenant Dibble. The diary gave an account of the building of masked batteries at Folley Inlet on the northern end of Folley Island, of which the Confederates had no knowledge previously. I deemed this information quite important, and sent the diary immediately to General Ripley in Charleston. [If proper attention had been paid to the information which it contained the surprise and disaster of the 10th of July would have been avoided, and the advantage gained would in some measure have compensated for the unequal exchange which had been made when we lost Lieutenant Dibble and got a sergeant.] I allowed nothing taken from our prisoner except this diary, and the spy-glass. These he begged to be allowed to retain. He was told that the diary was too valuable to be left in his keeping, and that as our Lieutenant had a spy-glass with him when he was captured, we would take this glass in exchange. [Lieutenant Dibble remained a prisoner in the hands of the enemy till October, 1864, and the Twenty-fifth South Carolina Volunteers was thus deprived of one of our most promising officers.]

July 9th.—All of our hopes of a quiet summer are rudely dispelled. The enemy unmasked formidable batteries at Folley Inlet, and their iron-clad fleet appeared and crossed the bar. The steamer Pawnee came up Stono river and shelled James Island as she proceeded. The regiment marched to the cross-roads near the Presbyterian church where we had so often been when our works were threatened, and there we spent the night in battle array.

July 10th, 1863.—The enemy opened a furious fire from their battery at Folley Inlet. Under cover of this fire General Strong's brigade crossed and captured all of our works on the southern end of Morris Island. The camp and camp equipage of the Twenty-first regiment fell into their hands. Our troops were driven with considerable loss down to Battery Wagner, and the further progress of the enemy was stopped by the guns of that famous fortification.

The regiment remained on the picket line all day and night expecting that the enemy would advance on our works simultaneously with the attack on Morris Island, but all was quiet in our front though the enemy had advanced and held James Island as far as Grimballs.

July 10th.—We were relieved this morning and returned to our camp at Secessionville. The signal book which was found on the Keokuk remained for a long time in the hands of General Beauregard as useless as a sealed volume. At length a signal officer of the enemy was captured near Beaufort. (I have seen it stated by a Federal [56] officer that the capture was made near Georgetown.) A staff officer of General Beauregard's undertook to learn the signals, had himself dressed in Federal uniform and incarcerated with the prisoner. He made the Federal believe that he was a Yankee just captured and had succeeded in hiding away in his boot the signal book. Said the Confederate, ‘I had just received an appointment in the signal corps, but was captured before I learnt enough to be of any service. As I have managed to keep my book, we can improve the time by your teaching me the signals. When we are exchanged I will be of some use.’

The Federal officer, completely deceived, fell into the trap so artfully set for him. He found an apt scholar. It was not long before the Federal system of signals was thoroughly understood by a Confederate officer capable of imparting his knowledge to our whole signal corps. The two officers were separated, the Federal in ignorance of the fact that his pupil was soon to be set to work teaching the Confederates to read the Federal signals.

Late in the afternoon of to day (11th July) one of the signal corps brought Colonel Simonton a dispatch which they had interpreted, as the enemy's signal officers were sending it from Gilmore, commanding the land forces, to Admiral Dahlgreen, commanding the fleet. It was a request that the Admiral would furnish him with one hundred boats to be manned by the land forces, and to be used in attacking Secessionville, across the marsh by way of the creeks from Folley Island. The attack was to be made before morning. Our engineers had never contemplated the possibility of attack from that direction, and had constructed no defences of any kind on the water front. The creek, which runs by the peninsula on which the village was built, reaches for forty or fifty yards to the high land and then recedes very gradually. A substantial wharf was built where the creek touched the high land. At high water there is from five to eight feet of water in the creek. There is considerable water in it at all stages of the tide. There is nothing by way of defence between us and the enemy at night except a boat picket of three or four men. But for this notice of the intention of the enemy to move on us, such an attack as had been planned would almost certainly have been successful if made with boldness and energy. The enemy could have formed along our water front almost as quickly as our troops could have been gotten under arms. If our boat pickets could have been secured so that no alarm would have been given we might have been taken completely by surprise. As soon as the information was received I assembled [57] the regiment and made known to them what was expected. We applied to the engineers for intrenching tools, but it was found impossible to supply us, in time for the emergency, with more than one spade for every eight or ten men. The regiment was put to work at once digging a line of rifle pits. The men worked with a will, as soldiers always do when they believe that they, and not some other command, will fight behind the works which they are set to constructing. The spades were kept busy, the men relieved each other at short intervals. We had not been at work long before another dispatch was brought to Colonel Simonton, and by him forwarded to me. Gilmore said to Dahlgreen: ‘Hurry up the boats, the Rebels are at work.’

It may well be imagined that this gave the men a fresh impulse, if they needed anything to increase their energy. By night-fall we had a very respectable line of rifle pits dug, of sufficient length to protect the whole regiment. The garrison of the Peninsula was reinforced by a battery of light artillery, and every possible disposition made to receive the enemy. The whole night was spent under arms, but no attack was made. Our active preparations probably deterred General Gilmore from the attempt to carry out his plans. The enterprise and ingenuity of General Beauregard's staff officer, of whom mention has been made, saved us and Charleston. Had Secessionville been captured, the fall of the other defences on James Island would be almost inevitable. [I have been informed by a Federal officer, since the war, that the enemy learnt to read our signals, but not at so early a date. Their discovery was made by a long series of observations. By recording a great number of motions of the flag or lantern, on the principle that the letters of the alphabet in composition bear certain proportions to each other in the number of times they are used, our signals were unraveled.]

July 13.—I was ordered to move the camp of the regiment nearer to the city. We were relieved by other troops, left Secessionville, and moved to the place occupied by us in June, 1862. The new camp was called ‘Camp Pettigrew,’ in honor of Brigadier-General J. Johnson Pettigrew, who had been killed at ‘Falling Waters,’ in Virginia. He was well known to the officers and men of several companies of the regiment, and greatly honored and esteemed by all who knew him.

On the 15th of July an attack on the enemy was planned by the generals in command on the James Island, but owing to the [58] mistake or forgetfulness of the staff officer, whose duty it was to extend the order, I received no notice till after 1 o'clock at night. I was then roused from a sound sleep by a courier with orders. These orders directed me to report immediately at Secessionville with the regiment. Upon coming out of my tent I found the camp astir, the men had in some (to me) unaccountable way got wind of what was about to be done. The regiment, except the Wee Nees, who were on the picket line, was soon formed on the color front. We marched to Secessionville by way of the bridge at Clark's house. When arrived, we found several regiments of infantry and batteries of artillery which had preceded us in line and ready for action. I was met by a staff officer, who directed me to halt the regiment and report to Brigadier-General A. H. Colquit (the present United States Senator from Georgia). I found that officer with Generals Hagood and Ripley at the famous Lamar Battery, all as cool and in as good spirits as if there was no serious work in hand. General Colquit was the ranking officer. I think that I was selected to lead the advance because of my thorough acquaintance with the ground upon which we were about to operate. Upon being introduced to General Colquit by General Hagood, he inquired of me-

‘Colonel, do you know the road leading to Legare's?’

‘Yes, General,’ I replied; ‘I know every foot of the island in our front.’

‘Well, then,’ said he, ‘march your regiment out of the works, deploy about two hundred and fifty men as skirmishers, hold the rest in reserve, use the road to Legare's as a directrix, keep your reserves well up with your skirmish line; when it is light enough to see about fifty yards, advance and drive the enemy till you are stopped by them, and I will assist you.’

‘Very well, General, I will carry out your orders.’

We then marched out of the Secessionville sally-port and to the road leading by the place where River's House once stood. Companies A, B, E, F, G. and H, were thrown out as skirmishers, and companies D, K and I, held in reserve. This disposition was made with as little noise as possible, but in the darkness the right flank of the skirmish line was thrown too far forward, and encountered the enemy before we were ready to advance. A brisk fire was opened on our right by the enemy, which was promptly returned. It was now nearly daylight, and the signal for a general advance was sounded. [59]

Galway, our bugler, was kept by my side, and sounded the signals. The regiment had been drilled to skirmish by the sound of the bugle. We encountered the enemy on the edge of the marsh below the River's House. They were promptly driven across, our skirmish line following through the mud and water of the marsh. The reserves crossed on the causeway, marching by the right flank. As soon as the high land was reached they were brought into line and kept up with the skirmishers till the end of the engagement. We were followed by two or three regiments of Georgians. The enemy made a stand at the edge of the marsh after crossing. It was not yet light enough to see them in the tall grass and bushes with which the field was covered. Their whereabouts was ascertained by the flashes of their guns along their line. Neither our skirmish line nor reserves halted. The enemy fled before we reached them, and made another stand two or three hundred yards further down. They were driven from this position as easily as from the first. We then discovered that we were fighting colored troops. Some dead were found and prisoners taken. The Marion Artillery, Captain Parker, came up on our left flank and opened fire, doing effective service. It was now fully daylight. We continued to press forward, the firing becoming rather desultory, till we came in sight of Legare's lower house. Just below the house we found the enemy's camp and about a brigade of infantry in line, with a battery of artillery on their right. This battery gave their exclusive attention to the Marions. Captain Parker gallantly returned the compliment. As soon as we commenced the movement at River's the fleet of gunboats lying in the Stono river opened their batteries, but the Twenty-fifth kept so near the enemy that their guns could not be aimed at us without endangering their own troops. The consequence was that all the damage done by the artillery of the fleet fell to the share of the Georgians and our litter corps in our rear.

About the time that the Twenty-fifth marched out of the Secessionville sally-port General Hagood, in command of one or two light batteries of artillery and two or three regiments of infantry, started to attack the enemy's gunboats in the river and their infantry encamped at Grimballs. He was entirely successful, routing their infantry and driving the gunboats down the river towards Battery Island.

After emerging from the bushes, young pines, and tall grass that covered that portion of the island above Legare's plantation house and driving the enemy down to their camp below ‘Legare's overseer's house,’ my attention was called to a body of troops coming from towards [60] Grimballs' house on the causeway leading across the marsh on our right. They were at first mistaken for a regiment of the troops that had gone to Grimballs. If we had proceeded as rapidly as we had been advancing these troops would have gotten in between us and the Georgians in our rear. I called in the skirmishers and made an oblique change of front to the right in order to meet this regiment. As soon as these troops discovered that we had made proper disposition to meet them and before we opened fire on them they broke and fled across the marsh towards the Stono river in great confusion. There was an officer mounted on a fine looking black horse with them who seemed to be rather disgusted at the conduct of his men. He did not follow them, but continued his course on the causeway at a very slow pace. Several shots were fired at him, but the brave fellow, without accelerating his pace, escaped and when last seen was about joining the main body of the enemy. We then resumed our former front and continued to advance in line of battle towards the enemy, my intention being to charge the light battery engaged with the Marion artillery, when Captain Taliaferro, of General Colquit's staff, rode up from the rear and directed a halt. After waiting a few minutes I concluded that there was some mistake on the part of the staff officer, and started again for the enemy's battery. We had not proceeded far when Captain Taliaferro again rode up and informed me that the General directed me to move by the right flank.

‘Captain,’ said I, ‘that movement will take us out of the fight, and General Colquit instructed me to press the enemy till they stopped my regiment and he would help us. They have not stopped us yet.’

‘The General's orders that you move to the right are peremptory,’ said the Captain.

‘Very well, Captain, I must obey, then,’ said I, and gave the order to march by the right flank. We soon struck the Grimball causeway and followed it out of the fight. The Georgians in our rear were turned back about the time the Twenty-fifth was stopped and we brought up the rear in the retrograde movement. The enemy made no attempt to follow us. In crossing the marsh on the Grimball causeway the gunboats shelled us furiously, being able to do so now without danger to their own troops. During the engagement we saw the signal officers of the enemy on a tree in the rear of their line of battle, busily sending and receiving signals between the land forces and the fleet. They were thus able to act in concert. [61]

The force of the enemy in our front, exclusive of the troops routed at Grimball's, consisted, as nearly as I could estimate them, of two regiments of white and two of negro troops, and one battery of artillery. Our force was superior, and we could have captured the whole brigade of the enemy if General Colquit had allowed us to press on, and brought up the Georgians to our support, according to the plan as explained to me at the beginning of the engagement.

The number of the enemy killed by the Twenty-fifth was never correctly ascertained. My estimate was from thirty to fifty. Fourteen prisoners, all colored, were captured, some of them by the Twenty-fifth, and some by the Georgians. Montgomery, of Kansas notoriety, was said to have been in command of the enemy.

The loss of the Twenty-fifth South Carolina Volunteers in this engagement was two killed, five wounded, and one taken prisoner. This man, as were most of the wounded, was a part of the infirmary corps. I think he laid down to escape a shell, and remained till after the return of our forces. We did not return over the same ground, and when the enemy threw out their pickets during the day to ascertain if the field in front of them was clear he was captured. A boy came down from Williamsburg to become the substitute of a man in Captain Hammond's company. There was no time to fix the papers for the substitution. The brave little fellow went out with the company and was killed.

July 17th.—It was discovered by our pickets that the enemy had left the island in great haste, leaving quantities of commissary and quartermasters' stores, which fell into our hands. I got the mess-chest of the colonel of the Tenth Connecticut regiment, but as the transportation allowed an officer of my rank in the Confederate army was not sufficient to make it available to me I presented it to General Hagood.

July 18th.—Battery Wagner, on Morris Island, was assaulted after a terrific bombardment. The enemy were repulsed with great loss in killed and prisoners captured. The Confederate loss was also heavy. Colonel P. C. Gaillard was severely wounded, losing his hand; Captain W. E. Stoncy was also severely wounded, and Major Ramsey was killed. Several other valuable officers were killed.

While riding over James Island with General Colquit, and showing him the ground, he explained to me that his reason for stopping the fight on the 16th, and drawing off the troops, was because he [62] thought that the enemy held the road from James Island to Taylor's Island, and could bring reinforcements from that direction. Had he known that we had passed that road and cut the enemy off from that means of succor he would have continued the advance. The haste with which the enemy left the island, showed, conclusively, that their force was not deemed sufficient to hold their position. General Montgomery probably expected the attack to be renewed on the next day.