Evening session.
The Committee was called to order by
Mr. Southall at 4 o'clock P. M., and
Mr. Rives resumed his remarks.
He said it was his object to close his speech this evening, because he did not want it to be said that he consumed any more time than was necessary for an exposition of his views.
He then proceeded to examine the existing causes of complaint against the
North.
With regard to the institution of
African slavery, he said it was very easy for those who did not like it to get rid of their slaves, while those who did like it, sometimes found it very difficult to get them.
He liked it, socially, morally, and politically, and he wished he could get a heap more of them.
The election of
Abraham Lincoln had been alluded to as a just cause of the dissolution of the
Union.
He averred that not one of those who supported
Bell and
Everett ever claimed that
Lincoln's election would justify such a proceeding.
He went further, and said that of all the Breckenridge speakers whom he heard in the Presidential canvass, none occupied that position, and
Mr. Hunter, in a speech in the city of
Petersburg, said, in answer to a question, that he did not think the election of
Lincoln would justify dissolution, and if any State went out, he would be among the first to endeavor to bring her back again.
The withdrawal of Southern
Senators and Representatives from Congress was strongly condemned by
Mr. Rives, as giving up a power which the
South possessed for preventing any objectionable appointments, and restraining any act of Administration hostile to her interests.
He was for relying upon the law which had confined all preceding
Presidents to the sphere of their duty; but if it was not strong enough, make it stronger.
The violations of the fugitive slave law, by Personal Liberty bills, he unequivocally condemned; but he wanted no better security for the enforcement of the fugitive slave law than was found in the
Constitution.
The President, with the army and navy at his back, had full power to execute it, as
President Fillmore did in the case of
Burns at
Boston.
If it was contended that negroes were not caught at the
North, it was equally true that they were not caught in the
South, for the newspapers were constantly advertising runaway negroes.
He thought a good many masters were to blame for dressing their slaves up in fine clothes, and letting them drive about the country, instead of keeping them down in the cornfield, where they belonged.--It looked too much like equality, and invested the mind of the negro with ideas that did not belong there.
The Territorial question next occupied his discourse.
He took the ground that we did not want to take our slaves to the
Territories.
During the
Kansas excitement there was a great furore in
Petersburg, and a bonus of $50 was offered to all who would emigrate, and $100 to every one who carried a slave.
It was only required that they should stay until after the October election, when, if they thought proper, they could come back.
Only twenty-five enlisted, and of these, not one was a slave-owner!
A better illustration than this, he said, could be found in
South Carolina.
Not a single slaveholder will be fool enough to remove from his plantation there, to the finest fields that bloom in the great plains and valleys of the
West.
After some further consideration of this point, he proceeded to urge upon the
Committee the report on the subject of Federal Relations, which he thought ought to satisfy every one.
Before his constituents he took the ground that
Virginia should set forth a catalogue of her wrongs, and the mode and measure of redress, and then say to the
North, ‘"You know you have been guilty of these things, and we ask you for this redress;"’ if they refused, then say to them, ‘"Let us part in peace — you take the public property in the
North, and we take the public property in the
South; if we get more than you, we will pay you the difference, and if you get the most, pay us the difference."’ If they refused to accede to these terms, say to them, ‘"Come on!
we are ready for you!"’ He would not wander through a labyrinth of abstractions to get at the right of secession, but raise the flag of revolution, and fight for what could not be obtained in peace-- If, however, the first mode proved effectual, we could say to the seceded States, we have got all we want, the
North has agreed to put these things in the
Constitution, and now we ask you to come back.
He believed it was wrong to endeavor to create the impression that such an effort would not succeed.
The majority report, as he understood it, covered all the ground of which the
South complained.
It demanded everything that could be demanded, and yet gentlemen wanted something else.
It reminded him of a cross and ill-natured child, dissatisfied with everything, and crying for something else; and when the nurse took it to the
looking-glass to exhibit to the child its own ugliness, it capped the climax by smashing the glass.
Mr. Rives discussed the several sections of the report, expressing his concurrence therein.
With regard to the objection against that portion providing for the remuneration of masters for slaves not recovered by the
United States authorities, he made an arithmetical calculation, taking the number of slaveholders at 250,000, and the average value of the runaway slaves at $1,000; and the
General Government having paid this to the master, even should the tax fall upon slaveholders alone, it would come to only about
three mills to each man. But falling upon 28,000,000 of people, what a subject for calculation would each one's portion be. Arguing at some length upon the question of reconstruction, he expressed his belief that the
Southern States would come back.
He produced statistics to show that
Virginia had not slaves enough, and urged a change in the agricultural system in order to retain them in
Virginia.
Towards the close of his remarks, in order to disabuse the minds of those who thought his enthusiasm for the
Union was accounted for by the fact that he was a
United States officer, he said he had made a calculation of the emoluments of his office, and found that since the 31st of December last he had received, as Collector of the
Port of Petersburg, the enormous sum of twenty-five dollars and twenty-eight cents!. He threw his keys upon the table before him, and said when any one wanted the keys of his office, there they were.
He had no favors to ask.
He alluded to the pestilence that once raged in
Portsmouth and
Norfolk, and to the pecuniary assistance then rendered by the
Northern States to their suffering brethren of
Virginia — sending collectively over $124,000.--Upon this manifestation of sympathy he dwelt with much earnestness, and with these considerations he closed his remarks, having spoken about seven hours.
Mr. Flourney, of
Halifax, took the floor, but gave way for a motion that the
Committee rise.
The Committee then rose and reported progress.
In Convention.
The President having resumed the Chair, the
Convention proceeded to consider the resolution offered by
Mr. Conrad this morning, to terminate debate in Committee of the Whole, on Tuesday next.
Mr.Price, of
Greenbrier, said the gentleman who offered the resolution was not present, but it was necessary that it should be changed in some respects.
He was desirous of making some arrangement that would satisfy all, and if the gentlemen on the other side were willing to some to a reasonable compromise of the matter, he would make to them this overture; if not — if there was any undeveloped motive for protracting the session, he must give them notice now that it must be brought to a close at as early a day as possible.
He would therefore request the gentleman from
Middlesex, (
Mr. Montague,) to consult with his friends and bring in such a proposition as would be acceptable to them
Mr. Price then moved that the
Convention adjourn.
Mr. Montague requested him to withdraw the motion for a moment, and he did so.
Mr. Montague said his duties in the Senate would prevent his giving the matter due attention, and he hoped some other would be named.
Mr. Price then selected
Mr. Neblett, of
Lunenburg.
This gentleman, however, preferred that some more experienced member should undertake the duty, and
Mr. Harvie, of
Amelia, was named.
Mr. Harvie said he thought the proposition was perfectly fair and honorable, and he would request his friends to meet at his room at night to consult upon the matter.
He know of no motive for protracting the session, and thought it should be brought to a close as early as possible.
This matter having been disposed of,
Mr. Wise said he had a substitute to offer for the propositions of the
Committee on Federal Relations, embracing certain amendments to the
Constitution, which he desired to have printed and referred to the Committee of the Whole.
Agreed to.
Mr. Campbell, of
Washington, presented a
petition signed by a number of citizens of that county, praying for the passage of an Ordinance of Secession.
He also presented a second petition, numerously signed, from the same county, on the other side of the question.
Both were laid on the table.
On motion of
Mr. Price, the
Convention adjourned.
