Secession movement at the South.
The Charleston Mercury has the following editorial on the propriety of delaying secession to wait for Virginia: ‘ We are to delay, ‘"until Virginia can be heard,"’ according to the modest proposal of the Hon. Mr. Garnett, at the late Essex meeting. We are to delay, until we shall see whether their Personal Liberty Acts will not be repealed by the Legislatures of Northern States. We are to delay, until all the Southern States shall meet in Convention for conference. We are to delay, until Mr. Lincoln's administration shall show, by "overt acts," its hostility to the South. We propose briefly to take up these several causes for delay:- 1. We are to delay, that Virginia may be heard." Why should the Southern States delay any action of theirs, ‘"that Virginia may be heard? "’ Did not Mississippi and South Carolina speak to Virginia last winter, through their Commissioners, formally sent to her, and did Virginia heed their counsels? No. She rejected their proposal, simply to hold a conference with them and the other Southern States. Virginia declined counselling with us, because her views of her interests differed from ours. She set up an alienation and separation from us, against our most earnest remonstrances and efforts; and if she now seeks to be heard by us, what is her object? Is it to aid us in our views of policy — to preserve our rights or save our institutions? --Not at all. It is to defeat our policy by a Southern Convention, and to drag us along in subserviency to her views of her border interests If we respectfully decline to delay in our course, that she "may be heard," we only treat her as she has previously treated us. We will be very glad to hear her at all times; but to pause in the vindication of our rights, when, not nine months ago, she refused even to counsel with us for their preservation, would be the sheerest weakness and folly.
- 2. But what does Virginia propose that we should do? Why, that the Southern States should make another begging appeal to the Northern States,"to preserve the guaranties of the Constitution." Suppose one man should deliberately violate a compact with another man, every year, for thirty years, and then should give him notice that he intended to kill him — what would be thought of the manhood or the wisdom of the poor oppressed devil should he go to his oppressor and beg him "once more" to observe ‘"the guaranties of the Constitution"’with him? Would not any unbiased observer believe him to be an idiot? If such a "method of redress" was proposed by Virginia, after the Southern States had seceded from the Union, there might be some little reason in it, although the Northern States have shown that they are utterly incapable of observing any compact with any people. They would then, however, have a motive to recede from their aggressive and insulting course towards the South. But the South is to delay — she is to do nothing — she is not to secede — only beg. What does "delay" mean, under such circumstances, but submission, and the perpetuation of that "blessed Union" which Virginia would not venture even to disturb last winter, by the poor expedient of conference amongst the Southern States?
- 3. But we are to delay action further, to see if the Northern Legislatures will not repeal their Personal Liberty Laws. So far as the Cotton States are concerned, these laws, excepting in the insult they convey to the South, and the faithlessness they indicate in the North, are not of the slightest consequence.--Few or none of our slaves are lost, by being carried away and protected from recapture in the Northern States. Nor to the frontier States are they of much consequence. Their slaves are stolen and carried off — not by the agency of these Personal Liberty Laws, but by the combination of individuals in the Northern States. What are these acts as indications of the hostility and faithlessness of the Northern people towards the South (and they are nothing more,) when compared with the mighty sectional despotism they have set up over the South, in the election of Messrs. Lincoln and Hamlin to the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the U. S.? Repeal that, and there would be something to invite delay.--The real causes of dissatisfaction in the South with the North, are in the unjust taxation and expenditure of the taxes by the Government of the United States, and in the revolution the North has effected in this government, from a confederated republic, to a national sectional despotism. To prevent these evils, the South has already delayed thirty-five years. She is to "delay" longer, upon the mere speculation, that the Northern States, without any inducement created by our action, may, in some eighteen months or two years, repeal their Personal Liberty Laws. What does such a policy mean, but submission?
- 4. The last motive for delay goes beyond the 4th of March next. It is that the Abolition Administration to be installed the 4th of March next, in Washington, has not yet made an "overt act" in the way of Abolitionism against the Southern States. Although you see your enemy load his rifle with the declared purpose of taking your life, you are to wait, as a wise expedient of defence, until he makes the "overt act"--shoots you. This is one of those glaring absurdities, which only such daring submissionists as Botts and Crittenden are capable of proposing. No ordinary man can hope to comprehend its mysterious sublimities.
Letter from Hon. A. H. Stephens.
We have been favored, says the Journal of Commerce, with the following letter from Hon. A. H. Stephens, of Georgia, to a friend, a resident of New York: Crawfordsville, Ga., Nov. 25, 1860.
Dear Sir
--Your kind and esteemed favor of the 19th inst., is before me, for which you will please accept my thanks.
I thoroughly agree with you as to the nature and extent of the dangers by which we are surrounded, and the importance of united action on the part of our people, in the line of policy to be pursued.
I know, also, that there breathes not a man in Georgia who is more sensitively alive to her rights, interest, safety, honor and glory than myself, and whatever fate befalls us, I earnestly hope that we shall be saved from the worst of all calamities, internal divisions, contentions and strife.
The great and leading object aimed at by me in Milledgeville was to produce harmony on a right line of policy.
If the worst comes to the worst, as it may, and our State has to quit the Union, it is of the utmost importance that all our people should be united cordially in this course.--This, I feel confident, can only be effected on the line of policy I indicated.
But candor compels me to say that I am not without hopes that our rights may be maintained and our wrongs be redressed, in the Union.
If this can be done, it is my earnest wish.
I think, also that it is the wish of a majority of our people.
If, after making an effort, we shall fail, then all our people will be united in making or adopting the last resort, the "Ultima ratio regum."
Even in that case, I should look with great apprehension as to the ultimate result. --When this Union is dissevered, if of necessity it must be, I see at present but little prospect of good government afterwards.
At the North, I feel confident, anarchy will soon ensue. And whether we shall be better off at the South, will depend upon many things that I am not now satisfied that we have any assurance of.--Revolutions are much easier started than controlled, and the men who begin them, even for the best purposes and objects, seldom end them.
The American Revolution of 1776 was one of the few exceptions to this remark that the history of the world furnishes.
Human passions are like the winds; when aroused, they sweep everything before them in their fury.--The wise and the good who attempt to control them will themselves most likely become the victims.
This has been the history of the downfall of all Republics.
The selfish, the ambitious and the bad will generally take the lead.
When the moderate men, who are patriotic, have gone as far as they think right and proper, and propose to reconstruct, then will be found a class below them, governed by no principle, but personal objects, who will be for pushing matters further and further, until those who sowed the wind will find that they have reaped the whirlwind.
These are my serious apprehensions.
They are founded upon the experience of the world and the philosophy of human nature, and no wise man should condemn them.
To tear down and build up again, are very different things, and before tearing down even a bad government we should first see a good prospect for building up a better.
These are my views candidly given.
If there is one sentiment in my breast stronger than all others, it is an earnest desire for the peace, prosperity and happiness which a wise and good government alone can secure.
I have no object, wish desire or ambition beyond this; and it I should in any respect err in endeavoring to attain this object, it will be an error of the head and not the heart. Dear Sir
With great personal esteem and respect, I remain yours, truly,
Alex. H. Stephens.
Alex. H. Stephens.
