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In our late Northern files we find some further matters of interest, which we append:


Tax on cotton.

In the Federal Senate, on the 4th inst., in the discussion upon the tax on cotton, Mr. Wilson, of Mass earnestly opposed any such tax as unjust and ruinous to the great manufacturing interests of the country. The burden would chiefly fall on the industrial interests of New England, which, under the proposed bill, already bear a burden, paying at least four dollars to one, as compared with the great agricultural districts of the West. Many of the cotton mills were closed already, and a heavy tax on cotton would tend to close them all, and throw the operatives out of employment.

Mr. Chandler, (Rep,) of Mich, contended that it was fit and proper that a tax should be put on cotton. That was the great source of the rebellion, and had been claimed as King, and now that we have got his majesty down we should keep our foot on him. He claimed that the people of the West, especially of Michigan, paid a full proportion of the tax, and would pay cheerfully. This tax on cotton would also be a burden on France and England, who had been inimical to the United States in the present contest.

The discussion was continued at length by Messrs. Sherman, Clark, Simmons, Harris, Howe, and others.

Mr. Sherman, (Rep.,) of Ohio, moved to reconsider the vote rejecting Mr. Anthony's amendment, yesterday, to lay a tax of one-half cent per pound on cotton.

Reconsidered — Yeas 24, nays 15.

The question then recurred on the amendment making a tax on cotton of half cent per pound; which was adopted — yeas 30, nays 10.


The Nigger question.

In the House of Representatives, the Speaker announced the business to be the motion of Mr. Porter to reconsider the vote by which was rejected the bill to free from servitude the slaves of those in rebellion against the United States.

Mr. Parker, (Rep.,) of Ind., said that the bill was too sweeping and indiscriminate. It affected all persons, however remotely or indirectly implicated in the rebellion. In his judgment it imposed severe and excessive chastisement upon many who were driven into rebellion by monstrous misapprehension, misrepresentation and delusion, and who, if the over whelming pressure upon them were removed, would promptly assert their loyalty to the Government. The provisions rendered insecure the title of property owned by loyal men in the rebellious States--men who have been faithful to the Constitution and Union amid every form of insult and humiliation. He would not encroach on the property of the thousands of brave men in the border slave States who are vindicating our flag. But a bill ought to pass to punish the conspirators who originated the rebellion, and their not less guilty accomplices. His object in moving a reconsideration was to have the bill recommitted to the Special Committee on Confiscation, with instructions to report a substitute, declaring free the slaves of those who shall hereafter hold office of profit or honor in any of the rebellions States, or under the so-called Confederate Government; also providing for the acquisition of lands on which to colonize such freed men, with their own consent, and denationalizing the above-mentioned class of rebels. He contended that such an act would cripple them as a political and governing power, without entrenching on the rights of loyal men.

Mr. Phelps, (Opp.,) of Mo., in explanation, said he desired to do what he could to suppress the rebellion and restore the Union. He believed the African race were in better condition under subordination than free. If slaves are declared to become free in Missouri, they are to be expelled from the State; but they cannot emigrate to the State which the gentleman in part represents.

Mr. Porter replied that Indiana preferred white men, while Missouri has chosen negroes to develop her agricultural interests. But this was no reason why the rebels should not be dispossessed of their slave property.

Mr. Vallandigham, (Opp.,) of Ohio, moved to table Mr. Porter's motion to reconsider. Negatived, 65 against 86.

The vote by which the Slave Confiscation bill was heretofore rejected was reconsidered, 84 against 65.

Mr. Porter then offered a substitute for the bill, and moved to out it on its passage.

Mr. Kerlinger, (Rep.,) of Pa., objected to this. It was a great improvement on the original bill; but he was not prepared to vote for any such measure without examination, and he simply voted to reconsider for that purpose. The reconsideration showed that the conservative men are a power in the House as well as in the country.

Mr. Porter now moved to recommit the bill to the Select Committee, with instructions to report his substitute, as indicated in the previous part of these proceedings.

The motion was agreed to, 84 against 65.


What a Yankee correspondent says.

A recent letter from Fortress Monroe, published in a Northern paper, says:

‘ Deserters are continually coming in, and the banks of the adjoining rivers are thickly scattered with these poor fellows. But it is a singular fact that they do not know much outside of their own company. One of them told me a few days since that they never could find out anything from their officers "And in fact." said he, they do not know from day to day what is going to be done." Soldiers like this obey orders, and march and counter march until rest is the only thing, save food, they seem to care for.

’ The transport Rockland arrived here this afternoon, from up the river, having on board forty- nine rebel prisoners captured last Saturday. They are mostly from Georgia, and are, upon the whole, a sorry lot of fellows. I must confess that among the party I did not see an intelligent looking countenance, even after making due allowance for their chivalry and dirt. They will probably visit the Rip Raps, and from thence go North.

General Dix officially proclaimed his authority here to-day by issuing an order to the effect that "all existing orders will remain in force until repealed," and that he now assumes command of this department. The order will be transmitted by telegraph to you this evening.

Quite a number of wounded were transferred from the hospital boats to the General Hospital here, most of whom are from Gen. Casey's division, and participants in the fights of Saturday and Sunday. They are not willing to say much about the fight, but when asked about the way they met the enemy, they say they did not flinch until entirely overpowered. A great allowance should be made for the division, as it was composed of comparatively newly made soldiers, who have not had the experiences of a year's campaigning like the major part of our Army of the Potomac.

The weather is intensely hot, and we are suffering here terribly with the heat.

The same writer says ‘"the raising of the Merrimac has not yet begun, but wreckers are at work taking out as much of her iron as they can get at."’


The Yankees visit Claremont.

The New York Herald's correspondent writes from City Point, May 29:

‘ We left Burrow's ferry, on the Chickahominy river, this morning, with the Island Belle in our wake, and ran up the James river On reaching Claremont, the property of Mr. Allen--the wealthy Virginian of whom I have already spoken in a former letter as having a private railroad of his own on his estate — both vessels ran alongside the wharf, a spacious and most expensive structure, built in the form of a Latin cross, with a double track of rails on it. The wharf has been rendered useless, however, by the rebels, who set it on fire, as the charred piles, beams and planking remain to testify. A boat's crew from each vessel was sent on shore. Mr. Allen was not at home, as he has been infected with the prevailing mania and holds a commission in the rebel army. This Southern nabob owns, it is said, no fewer than nine hundred slaves. His overseer was in, but no information of importance was received from him.--We obtained some very large and superior strawberries from him however.

’ This afternoon the Galena, which lies off the mouth of Appomattox river, threw several heavy shells into City Point, setting a house on fire. The flames did not spread.


The battle flag — now a Federal Colonel was killed.

The New York Herald's correspondent writes from the White House after the late battle, as follows:

After the enemy had opened the attack on our line's Peck's brigade — to which the Sixty- second regiment was attached — was sent to confront the enemy. They had not proceeded far when a numerous body of the enemy were seen advancing in echelon. Lieutenant Bradley, Colonel Riker's secretary, who, on this occasion, was Acting Aid to Gen. Couch, proceeded towards the enemy, and discovered their true character. He advanced until he could see "their neck handkerchiefs."

He saw the rebel hat the flaggen white one, with red cross. The enemy also display a flag very much resembling the American ensign, and well calculated to deceive us. They also displayed a white flag with a blue cross, the latter so faint the color as to make the flag resemble a flag of truce. A battery immediately opened on the enemy, throwing grape and canister "among them with a rapidly and accuracy of aim that mowed them down like grass. The places of the fallen rebels and their broken ranks were promptly filled and they marched towards our battery with a solid front. At this time the Sixty-second was moving to the attack in column by companies. The enemy advanced across a field one thousand yards wide. The fight waxed warm, both sides displaying tact and courage; the superior numbers of the enemy gave them some advantage over our troops. It was while Col. Riker was leading a charge, mounted on his splendid charger, that he received his death wound.--He was smoking a cigar at the time he met his death, and said to his men, "Remember, when you are out of ammunition, steel will kill the devil." He immediately threw up his right arm, and fell over his horses neck to the ground. Some of his men ran to his succor, But his wound proved immediately fatal. The deceased Colonel was a lawyer of New York, and a son of ex-Recorder Riker. His death is much regretted by the army generally.


The Abolition Crafts.

The Boston Courier, of May 31, has something to say about the proceedings of the Abolitionists, which we copy:

‘ The anti-slavery zealots, priests and people have held orgies, here, during the week, worthy of pandemonium, or the limbo of fools. It is in vain to address a word to the besotted faculties of fanatics, who, in the very agony of civil war which but for abolitionism never could have been, so lightly disregard the infinite suffering and the infinite ruin to which they are ministering. To this they minister by every word of countenance given to an infatuation, already destructive, there is too much reason to fear, to the civil institutions of the country. And this infatuation would leave it, if such madness could pursue its perfect work, a divided, wreck — the one part sullenly and vindictively hostile, beyond the possibility of reconcilement — the other in its absurd pursuit of negro equality, having substituted a shallow and impracticable sentiment for common reason, for the dictate of nature, for the decree and the worship of God!


Now large is the Federal army?

The Chicago Tribune answers the question as follows:

‘ There seems to be great doubt as to the effective strength of our volunteer army. The pay-rolls show 700,000 men; the War Department can't find more than 600,000; and Senator Wilson, Chairman of the Military Committee, believes we have not to exceed 520,000. Where are the other 100,000 or 200,000. It was suggested in the House the other day that fraudulent pay-rolls have been forwarded to the Department. Here is a good subject for an Investigating Committee. We believe in Senator Wilson's figures, and they seem to be based upon an estimate like this;

Gen. McClellan's column125,000
Gen. Halleck's column135,000
Gen. McDowell's column25,000
Gen. Banks's column75,000
Gen. Fremont's Department30,000
Gen. Burnside's Department75,000
Gen. Hunter's Department20,000
Gen. Brannan's (Key West, etc)5,000
Gen. Butler's column15,000
Gens Curtis and Steele20,000
Gens. Dex and Wool12,000
Gen. Blunt's Department of Kansas5,000
New Mexico and going10,000
Gen. Mitchell's column16,000
Guard duty in Ky and Tenn15,000
Guard duty in Missouri5,000
Guard duty below Island 105,000
Guarding prisoners North7,000
Total500,000

Now, from the above there should be deducted ten to fifteen per cent for soldiers in the hospitals, at home, on furlough, and discharged for physical incapability, leaving a total of 430,000 men capable of doing duty. The exact number, it the exact truth were known, may not exceed 400,000 efficient men. Scores of regiments that marched from home 1,000 strong, can muster now only 300 to 400 men, and few regiments number more than 700 or 800 rank and file. The rebels have suffered the same degree of shrinkage, and perhaps worse.

The number of soldiers at home on furlough, with sick certificates, is much greater than is generally supposed, and we doubt whether the War Department is aware of how many thousands there are of such. A majority of surgeons find it far easier to give certificates to two or three hundred ailing men in a regiment, on which they can obtain leave of absence, than to attend to them in their camp hospital; and it is but natural that those who thus get home should be in no special hurry to get well enough to return, as their pay runs on while absent just the same as when present with their regiment. The order issued last winter to stop recruiting to fill up emaciated regiments was an unwise one, and has lately been revoked.


Punishment of Swindling Contractors.

The act to prevent and punish fraud on the part of officers entrusted with making contracts with the Government, which has just been approved by the President, establishes an office in which all contracts are to be filed for public inspection. Officers making contracts are required to swear that they concluded the same without any benefit or advantage to themselves, or to any other persons. The penalty for a violation of the law is not less than one hundred nor more than five hundred dollars, and imprisonment not more than six months.


Military railroads in the South.

The advantages of-railroads and navigable waters for military operations have not been half as much appreciated by our Government as by the pseudo concern of Jeff. Davis. About the first step of the latter was to initiate the building of connecting links between main routes in the South, to the end that troops could be rapidly concentrated at exposed points. Gen McClellan was much condemned here, when it was ascertained that he was not going to march upon Richmond via Fredericksburg; but all see and approve his present line of communication, whereby he is, by steamers and rail cars, within ten miles of the rebel capital.

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