The Daily Dispatch: November 13, 1862., [Electronic resource]

---

---

Progress of the War.

From Northern papers, of the 7th, we give some additional extracts of news:

---

The Calm in New York after the Storm.

The New York Times gives a view of the still condition of Gotham after its late uproar. On Wednesday night, after a visit to the Democratic headquarters, its reporter says:

‘ At Thorp's the scene was in many respects the opposite of that presented at the closed doors of Mozart. There, during the day, were no politicians to be seen. They had been out too late the night previous to appear to much advantage during the day, and consequently they were not there. Last night, however, there were a few in the saloons, but none of any note. Those who had risked their money on the election of Seymour were anxious to have the money turned ever, and generally were willing to "pay the wine." Those who had taken the risk on a believe in his ultimate defeat were not so anxious for a settlement — they preferred waiting for the official returns, until they could hear authoritatively from the rural districts, and consequently there was very little done Elsewhere the feeling was about the same. The Republican and Union places of meeting were illuminated as usual, but Tammany Hall was in darkness.

The old War Horse was quietly munching his oats at home, as was supposed, and Rynders was looking anxiously after "the gentleman who held the stakes on the result" The whereabouts of even John Van Buren was not known. In fact Tammany and the Pewter Mug, all was calmness — everything serene. Among the more respectable case of citizens there was nothing joyous, and still there was an expression of countenance which spoke more plainly than words, "Don't give up the ship."

At the various newspaper office last evening there were not the crowds present who had gathered and were an enthusiastic on the night following the election. And still there were many earnest, inquiries as to whether the furnished any additional ground of

At the Republican headquarters, corner of 23d sweet and Broadway, a number of Unionists assembled last evening and canvassed the prospects as to the future of what is now the Opposition party of this State. Many were still inclined to the idea that the Democratic majority in the State would not at the outside exceed three thousand, and that the sober, second thought of the people would by the time the next election takes place put that party again in a majority. Here and there was a sanguine Republican who "wouldn't give it up yet," and whose belief that the official canvass would turn the scale in favor of Wadsworth was boldly expressed. The great majority, however, had no such lingering hope, but expressed their firm determination to work more earnestly than ever for the cause in future. They seemed by no means dispirited at the result, although they owned up to a defeat with a good grace — The large transparency in front of the building, containing the names of the State officers, was lighted up as usual much to the surprise of passers by, who stopped and questioned each other as to the cause of the illumination, and wondered if any later and more favorable news had been received to justify it. At various points on Broadway the large banner that have for some time past attracted attention, were still hung across the street probably to inform the citizens as to the correct spelling of the names of the defeated.

’

---

A Strong letter in Opposition to Tyranny.

We find in the New York World a letter from Charles O'Connor, the distinguished orator and intrepid politician, which was written in favor of the election of James Brocks, of the Express, to Congress. Mr. O'Connor says:

‘ Three unconstitutional and despotic acts have been before the American people for about thirty days, receiving judgment. One threatens to subvert existing social relations in the South; the other two, by their purport, at once and immediately consigns to bondage at the footstool of an arbitrary and irresponsible military power, all the inhabitants of the North. Our whole community, men, women, and children, are whelmed in one common doom. The calm speech and measured pace of age the gay conduct and light step of jocund youth, must alike fall into accord with the provost marshal's notion of loyalty, or he may apply the tyrant's remedy, incarceration in a dungeon.

The sarcasm "catch your hare," may be applicable to the first; perhaps its intended victims are not yet within reach of the power which menaces.--Besides, it is only a three--a thing which none but the weak and timid deal in. But the people of the Northern States are not merely threatened. They are already caught, and consequently the decree which consigns them to bondage is immediate, absolute, and unconditional. Nothing is left to the citizens of a Northern State but that poor privilege enjoyed by the humblest slave in the most despotic countries. He is told, "If you continue to approve yourself as loyal to the entire satisfaction of the Government's spy and jailor you will not be locked up."

Of the liberties won is 76 by three million herein colonists, of George Washington's constitution, of the freedom of speech, of the press, and of the person secured by that palladium through its consecrated writ of habeas corpus, its trial by jury, and immunity from military arrests — of all that-ever constituted the people's pride and safety, or the nation's strength, but this remains. Every citizen of the North may keep out of jail just so long as he can satisfy the town marshal of his loyalty.

I speak not of disordered trade, of ruined finances, of enormous and increasing debt, of intolerable taxation, of the thousands who have fallen, of amputated limbs and shattered health, of tears at so many firesides, or of great destitution sitting at so many hearths, without a single promised result having been attained or even approached, by any or all of those sacrifices. Let these considerations pass. Some think that these things were necessary, and will ultimately work out benign results. I confine myself to the civil and political consequences resulting from eighteen months of Abolition rule to our once happy and prosperous Northern people. Neither will I dwell upon the fact that our great and glorious Republic, which two years ago commanded the world's respect, would have defied the power of all earth's monarchies, and in vindication of its own acts, "right or wrong," would have done so, has cried and yielded up its Port Warren captives at the demand of a single foreign State. Let us, too, pass by its humiliating accompaniments. The same gates which submissively open at the demand of a foe, never previously truckled to, and gave liberty to avowed "rebels and traitors," swing back upon their hinges to hold in unlawful bondage free citizens of the North merely suspected of disloyalty — men against whom their jailor could not prove the slightest of fences, and whom, therefore, he dared not to produce on habeas corpus before any Judge in the land. Alas! they were nothing but officers of the United States, to them no foreign Prince was interested; they had no friend or guardian but the Constitution, and that had been act aside as useless of inconvenient.

Since the defeat of the Linearities in Pennsylvania, Ohio and other States, the tyrants at Washington have suspended arrest, and allowed a sort of amnesty to the Opposition. It is hardly presumable the truce was intended to last longer than while the New York and other elections were in doubt — The way the anti-lincolnites have used their privilege is one of the most hopeful signs we have seen in the North since the war began.

’

---

The situation of Norfolk.

The Norfolk (Va.) Union has the following paragraph descriptive of the situation that our unhappy sister city is in:

‘ We learn that in consequence of a difference of opinion among the members of the Cabinet as to what constitutes a blockade, we, the people inside of the Federal lines, are in a fair way to be hermetically sealed from the outside world. We have recently had hopes that the port would be opened to trade, or, at all events, that we would have the privilege of purchasing food and raiment for our wives and children with our own money — we never asked anything more. We believe it is customary among peoples and nations — civilized or barbarous — to feed and clothe their prisoners, and we are in the condition of prisoners, and only ask the privileges which the precedents of history and the common usage of the world justify as in demanding.

It is six months since we have been rescued from Dixie and placed in the folds of the blessed Union, but its blessings we have only in anticipation. We are in the condition of the man who acknowledged the joke, but was in doubt where the laugh came in. We take occasion here to state that our people have no reason to complain of the course of Major General Dix, who is in no respect chargeable with our condition, but who has always advocated a policy which is humane, dignified, and statesmanlike. From him we could expect nothing else.

’

---

A Cry for peace.

The Boston Pilot, of the 25th ult., contains an editorial strongly urging Lincoln to offer terms of peace to the South. It says:

‘ The President has issued many proclamations which he patriotically believed would be followed by an increase of Unionism in the South. But his manifestos are spit at and himself derided. His documents are of no avail but one--that of enlarging the spirit of rebellion. Can he mention a single proclamation of his that has realized his hopes? We should be sorry to impede him in saving the Union. But his past experience should tell him now that an armistice would do good. What does the South want? Can he not put a question in this nature? Can he not try the value of a suggestion for peace? This may not be the highest spirit — it may not be in accordance with the way in which guilty rebels should be treated. But it is prudence. We cannot break the spirit of the South by arms, and without their spirit in its freedom, their overthrow would lead to nothing.--Enough blood has been shed — enough of lives have been lost, enough of desolation to all branches of industry has been done, and enough coercive proclamations have been issued; let us now try the virtue of peace.

The President is, indeed, in a most unpleasant situation. There is no doubt that he is honest; but the faction that elected him to the White House want the war continued, for their enterprises to realize large fortunes are in the balance; and notwithstanding the pre-eminence of his position, Abraham Lincoln is, in too many instances, the flexible tool of an unscrupulous party. But he should remember his oath of office, and be untrammeled by anything save the Constitution. That is now in the worst danger, and as it owes most of that danger to the havoc of war administered by Know Nothings, Abolitionists and Republicans, an armistice — a suspension of hostilities — might be offered.

’

---

Confederates in the Hospital at Sharpsburg.

A correspondent of the Philadelphia Inquirer, writing from Sharpsburg, under date of October 30, says:

‘ There are over fourteen hundred wounded rebels in the hospitals here and in the vicinity, under the general superintendence of Dr. Rauch, Medical Director of the 5th army corps. These wounded rebels are lying in churches, dwellings, barns, and tents, scattered throughout the neighborhood. They are in all styles of suffering many dying every day. As humanity demands kind treatment to the enemy's wounded as well as our own, they receive such from our surgeons, as well as from benevolent citizens. At the "Concentrating Hospital," in an old church, under the care of Dr. Horace de Young, are two remarkable cases, entitled to special notice. The first is that of private Wm. Kidd, 16th Mississippi regiment. He received a gunshot wound through the face, and laid on the battle field two days and one night before he was picked up. The bad, supposed to be a grapeshot, entered the right check bone and came out immediately opposite, fracturing said bone, carrying away the upper portions of the muscle of the face on both checks the entire nose, the right eye, and the superciliary ridge, and also the entire bony eating of the eye. The upper jaw fold down over the lower jaw and chin, leaving his palate and throat exposed. The rebel surgeons pronounced his case hopeless; but under the medical skill of our surgeons, the man is now so far recovered as to walk the streets of Sharpsburg to-day. Mr. Kidd says when he left Mississippi he was a fine looking fellow, the pride of his wife, and the admiration of all the belies of the village; but I question if his wife and friends will believe that the Antietam battle helped his personal appearance much. "

’

---

Van Buren in Trouble.

We find the following correspondence in the Herald:

To the Editor of the Herald:

I have just received, by mail, the enclosed communication, which I ask you to publish for the benefit of all concerned.

I do not regard this as a private letter, as the writer announces his purpose to publish it at the expiration of ten days, and I suppose that I have the right to do so now.

Truly yours,
J. Van Buren.
New York, Nov. 5, 1862.

Count Gurowski to Mr. Van Buren.

--In your speech at Rochester you spoke of Gl J. Wards worth in a way which brands you as the meanest among the mean.

It would be showing you too much honor to spit in your face.

However, I will so far soil my hands & tell you that I am ready to meet you wherever you wish and in any way you may choose.

If this is not answered within ten days it will be published.

---

American affairs in Europe.

The Paris correspondent of the N. York World writes to that paper as follows, under date of October 17th:

‘ The Paris journals are scarcely yet finished with their comments upon the late proclamation of the President. All the opposition press still treat it as having a tendency to prolong rather than shorten the unhappy struggle in which our country is engaged; and even the journals which have heretofore been most friendly to us are expressing dissatisfaction with it, considering it "neither fish, flesh, nor fowl." The Presse in particular, finds fault with it, because, as Mr. Seward states in his circular to our ministers and consuls abroad, it is "a military act," and adds. "This is very unsatisfactory for those who desired to see in it a moral act. Instead of a principle, it is only a bomb, launched into the midst of the population of the South, not much calculated to bring back their hearts or convince their consoleness." And so from all sides and points of view the proclamation is regarded as an unfortunate stop. That it will have the slightest effect in either preventing or delaying foreign intervention, is entirely preposterous. Were it to have any effect upon them, it would be rather to hasten it than otherwise, as if Europe means to interfere at all, she would desire to do so before our war became complicated, as it promises now to be, by the introduction of the negro element on both sides.

In relation to the intervention itself, there is now here a general belief that the late speech of the English Chancellor of the Sechequer foreshadowed a movement in that direction on the part of the English and French combined. It is true, the Emperor appears to have his hands full in Mexico, but if it be true, also, as it is said to be, that his present plan embraces the conquest and retention of the whole country, it would seem to be to his interest now to aid the rebels in establishing their Government so to interpose a barrier between us and his Mexican possessions, in which, when the Union is restored, he may well believe we will not long allow him to remain quiet. Many believe that within the next month the rebel Confederacy will be recognized by both England and France. When it comes it will come like a clap of thunder, in the Emperor's usual brusque way of doing things, and, at all events, you had better be prepared for it. The resignation of M. Thonvenel as Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the appointment of M Drouyn de L'Huys in his place both of which were announced in the Meniteur, of yesterday, is an unfavorable symptom M Thouvenel has all along been understood to be opposed to any interference in our affairs and particularly opposed to any alliance with England for that purpose; while his successor is regarded as being decidedly "seceah" in his tendencies.

’

---

Lincoln's intimate Friend.

In a Northern paper we find the following:

Washington, D. C. Oct. 5.

Maj.-Gen. Grant:I congratulate you and all concerned on your recent battles and victories. How does it all sum up? I especially regret the death of Gen. Nackleman, and act very anxious to know the condition of Gen. Oglesby, who is an intimate personal friends.

A. Lincoln.

---

The late arrests in Baltimore.

‘"The arrests in Baltimore"’ are referred to in various papers at a distance by correspondents as well as editors. The latter are, of course, necessitated to view the matter from the stand point set up by the telegrams sent from that city; but some of the correspondent, especially at Washington, where the question has been heard on both sides, are able to throw some light on the points involved. The correspondent of the Philadelphia Inquirer, for instance, telegraphing from Washington, says:

‘ Gen. Wool was here to-day, and had an interview with the President with reference to the recent arrests in Baltimore; and, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts made by Gov. Bradford, the President has refused to order their release.

It is generally believed here that, while the arrests alluded to were made without consolation with the War Department, yet some vigorous effort was necessary to nip in the bad some political schemes of questionable motive and doubtful propriety. There is certainly something beneath the surface in the conduct of parties in Baltimore, who, while professing the strongest devotion to the Union desire to rekindle old party fends, and restore the turbulent and riotous regime which once made the name of Baltimore a by word and a reproach.

General Wool's administration of the Department of Maryland has challenged the admiration of the whole country. He has reduced the State to good order and respect for laws, and has built up a strong Union sentiment, which is best proved by the failure of the rebels to obtain sympathy or help in their recent invasion. But there is one thing that General Wool would not do, and that is, to lend himself to cases of individual persecution to avenge old political griefs, or to carry out narrow plots for selfish purposes.

It must be borne in mind that Baltimore is in an inflammable condition, and that riot and bloodshed may occur at any time. General Wool has firmly set his foot down against a revival of the reign of clubs, and in so doing has shown that he knows no political parties in the performance of his duty.

’ A conservative writer at Washington for the New York Herald, after remarking upon the fact of the ‘"Executive entertaining the charges against General Wool by certain parties in Baltimore,"’ and stating that if he is to be condemned, then the soldier will return his commission to the President, says:

‘ What is wanted of General Wool by the old Plug element in Baltimore is that he shall arrest and imprison people upon slang-whang reports; but the just rule laid down by him is, that complaints shall be made in writing, and sworn to when arrests will be made, a trial immediately granted, and decision made according to the facts. As to the charge that General Wool's associations are with Secessionists, it should be stated that his social relations with Baltimoreans are very limited; but business matters require him to be in constant communication with parties whose service to be Government is fully recognized by the authorities at Washington, but who have ever been obnoxious to certain party cliques in Baltimore. It is stated by Gen. Wool's friends that the parties that cannot use him to carry out personal feelings of malevolence have attempted to demoralize the soldiers by imputations as to his loyalty. General Wool remarked to day that he would arrest more of the disorganizes in his department before long.

’

---

Miscellaneous.

Archbishop Hughes.--This celebrated prelate in his organ, the Metropolitan Record, is after the editor of the Courrier des Etats Unis with a sharp stick, in reply to an article published by the Frenchman on the Archbishop's war speech. He is very severe in his remarks, and goes so far as to question the editor's loyalty.